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EDITORIAL

Exposing the Conspiracy: Mohamed Abdullahi Omar’s Hidden Agenda Against Somaliland

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Unveiling the Alleged Betrayal by Former Foreign Minister Mohamed Abdullahi Omar and His Plot to Undermine Somaliland’s Sovereignty

In a shocking revelation, Ibrahim Nuh Hussein, former chairman of the Kulmiye party in the UK, has exposed what he describes as a clandestine conspiracy orchestrated by Mohamed Abdullahi Omar, former Foreign Minister of Somaliland. Speaking in an exclusive interview with Arabsiyo News, Ibrahim accused Omar of betraying Somaliland’s quest for independence and sovereignty by secretly working towards its reintegration with Somalia.

Mohamed Abdullahi Omar, known colloquially as “Bajaaj,” served as a prominent figure within Somaliland’s political landscape. His recent shift to the opposition Waddani party has sparked significant controversy, especially given his past conflicts with key figures within the same party. According to Ibrahim Nuh Hussein, Omar’s real motives are far from altruistic; he claims Omar’s allegiance lies not with Somaliland but with Somalia.

Ibrahim detailed how, in 2012, Omar signed an agreement in London with the Somali government, which effectively recognized Somaliland as a region under Somalia. This agreement, Ibrahim argues, was the first indication of Omar’s long-term objective to undermine Somaliland’s independence. The agreement also included provisions for Somalia’s transition from an interim government to a federal system, a move seen by many as detrimental to Somaliland’s aspirations for full autonomy.

The accusations against Omar extend beyond past actions. Ibrahim asserts that Omar, along with the Waddani party’s candidate Abdirahman Irro and chairman Hirsi Haaji Ali, are actively plotting to return Somaliland to Somalia if they win the upcoming elections in November 2024. This, he claims, would effectively dismantle Somaliland’s hard-earned progress and autonomy.

Further complicating matters, Ibrahim alleged that Omar is affiliated with a Norwegian organization dedicated to promoting a confederation between Somaliland and Somalia. This organization, he contends, has facilitated discussions between Omar and Somaliland’s president, Muse Bihi, regarding potential negotiations with Somalia. Despite President Bihi’s refusal to entertain such talks, the existence of these discussions has raised alarm bells about Omar’s true intentions.

The potential reintegration of Somaliland with Somalia carries significant political and economic risks. Ibrahim warns that such a move could undermine the stability of the region, disrupt local governance, and jeopardize international investments, particularly in the strategically vital Port of Berbera. This port has become a critical economic hub for Somaliland, and its potential destabilization poses a threat to regional trade and economic growth.

To fully grasp the gravity of these allegations, it is essential to consider the historical and geopolitical context. Somaliland declared back its independence from Somalia in 1991 following a brutal civil war. Since then, it has maintained a distinct political identity and has made considerable strides towards establishing a stable and democratic governance system. However, its quest for international recognition remains unfulfilled, making it vulnerable to internal and external political maneuvers.

The accusations against Omar have elicited a range of responses from various stakeholders. Supporters of Somaliland’s independence view these revelations with alarm, seeing them as a direct threat to their aspirations.

The potential scenarios following the November 2024 elections are fraught with uncertainty. If the Waddani party, with Omar’s influence, succeeds in its alleged agenda, Somaliland could face significant internal strife and a reconfiguration of its political landscape. On the other hand, a strong rejection of these moves could galvanize further support for Somaliland’s independence movement, potentially leading to renewed efforts for international recognition.

In conclusion, the allegations against Mohamed Abdullahi Omar underscore the complex and often perilous nature of political dynamics in Somaliland. As the region navigates its path towards the November elections, the importance of vigilance and advocacy for its sovereignty cannot be overstated. The international community and local stakeholders must remain alert to any actions that threaten to undermine Somaliland’s hard-won progress and continue to support its legitimate aspirations for independence.

EDITORIAL

Ethiopia’s Rightful Access to the Sea: Embracing Historical Ties with Somaliland

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Reclaiming Maritime Sovereignty through International Law and Strategic Alliances

Ethiopia, the world’s most populous landlocked nation, is asserting its historical and legal right to access the Red Sea, bolstered by a strategic agreement with Somaliland.

Ethiopia, the largest landlocked country globally with a population exceeding 120 million, is making a compelling case for its right to access the Red Sea. This effort is rooted in historical ties and reinforced by international law, and has recently gained momentum through a strategic partnership with Somaliland. This article explores Ethiopia’s bid for maritime sovereignty and highlights the significance of its relationship with Somaliland.

Historically, Ethiopia held a prominent position on the Red Sea. During the mid-19th century, Ethiopian leaders like Yohannes IV and Ras Alula Nega engaged in diplomacy and military efforts to maintain control over their maritime territories. However, colonial machinations by European powers, notably Britain and Italy, undermined Ethiopia’s sovereignty. The transfer of the Massawa littoral to Italy and the occupation of Assab Bay marked the beginning of Ethiopia’s maritime isolation. Despite winning the Battle of Adwa in 1896, Ethiopia’s access to the sea remained curtailed by European control of coastal regions.

The end of World War II presented an opportunity for Ethiopia to reclaim its maritime rights. Through diplomatic efforts at post-war peace summits and the United Nations, Ethiopia argued for the decolonization of former Italian colonies, including Eritrea. The 1952 UN resolution, which created the Federation of Ethiopia and Eritrea, temporarily restored Ethiopia’s access to the sea. However, Eritrea’s independence in 1993 once again left Ethiopia landlocked.

Today, Ethiopia relies heavily on the port of Djibouti for its maritime trade, with 70% of cargo at the port destined for or coming from Ethiopia. This dependency underscores the economic necessity for Ethiopia to secure direct access to the Red Sea. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has emphasized that Ethiopia’s geographical position and economic needs justify its peaceful claim to maritime access.

In a significant move, Ethiopia and Somaliland have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) granting Ethiopia a 20-kilometer lease along Somaliland’s Red Sea coastline. This historic agreement not only diversifies Ethiopia’s port access but also solidifies the longstanding relationship between the two nations. Somaliland, which declared its 1960 independence back from Somalia in 1991 but lacks widespread international recognition, stands to gain from Ethiopia’s support in its quest for recognition.

International law supports Ethiopia’s bid for maritime access. The principle of equitable access to the sea for landlocked countries is enshrined in various international treaties and conventions. Moreover, the 1952 UN resolution acknowledged Ethiopia’s right to the sea, a precedent that Ethiopia continues to invoke. The recent agreement with Somaliland aligns with these legal frameworks and demonstrates a pragmatic approach to addressing Ethiopia’s maritime aspirations.

The partnership between Ethiopia and Somaliland has broader implications for regional stability and cooperation. By fostering economic interdependence and political support, both nations can enhance their security and prosperity. This collaboration also serves as a model for resolving similar disputes in the Horn of Africa and beyond.

Ethiopia’s pursuit of maritime access is not merely a matter of historical entitlement but a pressing economic and geopolitical necessity. The agreement with Somaliland represents a significant step towards reclaiming Ethiopia’s rightful place on the Red Sea. As Ethiopia and Somaliland strengthen their ties, they pave the way for a more stable and prosperous future for the region. This strategic alliance underscores the enduring importance of historical connections and international law in shaping contemporary geopolitics.

By advocating for its maritime rights through peaceful and legal means, Ethiopia sets a precedent for other landlocked nations. The support for Somaliland’s recognition further exemplifies Ethiopia’s commitment to regional solidarity and mutual development. This narrative of historical justice and strategic foresight positions Ethiopia on a path to reclaiming its maritime sovereignty and securing a brighter future for its people.

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Analysis

Is an Israel-Hezbollah War Inevitable?

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By signaling its unwavering support for Tel Aviv in any potential campaign, Washington may be edging this looming conflict closer to reality. The exchanges of fire between Israel and Hezbollah have been a persistent feature over the past eight months, recently intensifying to an alarming degree. This situation has the potential to escalate into a full-blown war in two primary ways.

One possible route to escalation is for the current tit-for-tat exchanges to spiral out of control, leading to an unintended and uncontrollable conflict. This could occur as each side attempts to deter future attacks by responding forcefully to the most recent ones. The second potential path to war would be a deliberate decision by one side to engage in full-scale conflict. Hezbollah is unlikely to choose this route. The organization has made it clear that its actions are in solidarity with the Palestinians in Gaza and in support of Hamas, rather than a desire for an all-out war with Israel. The 2006 conflict, which resulted in significant human and material costs for Hezbollah, serves as a cautionary tale.

Iran warns Israel of ‘obliterating’ war if Lebanon attacked

Israel, on the other hand, might consider launching a full-scale war in Lebanon in the coming months if the situation does not spiral out of control first. Reports suggest that U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has conveyed to Arab officials his belief that Israel is intent on invading Lebanon. Such an invasion would likely be driven by internal political and emotional factors rather than a clear-eyed assessment of Israeli security interests.

One of the driving factors behind this potential escalation is the plight of approximately 60,000 Israelis displaced from northern Israel due to security concerns. These individuals represent a significant political force advocating for decisive action to improve security and allow their return. Although a full-scale war might initially worsen the security situation, there is a misplaced hope that aggressive military action could lead to a long-term solution.

The personal political and legal situation of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is also a major factor. Netanyahu’s hold on power and his ability to avoid corruption charges may hinge on maintaining a state of war. With the “intense phase” of the war with Hamas seemingly drawing to a close, Netanyahu might see a new conflict with Hezbollah as essential to his political survival. His coalition partners, such as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, are also hardliners who favor military action against Hezbollah.

US warns Israeli offensive in Lebanon could bring wider war, draw in Iran

An additional factor is the belief among some Israelis that southern Lebanon is part of “greater Israel” and should be subject to military conquest and settlement. While this idea is on the fringe, it has gained some traction in recent years.

Israel’s previous military operations in Lebanon suggest that a new conflict would not achieve lasting security. Israel invaded Lebanon in 1978 and again in 1982, maintaining an occupation of southern Lebanon until 2000. Despite these efforts, Hezbollah remains a formidable force. The 2006 war demonstrated Hezbollah’s resilience, and the group has only grown stronger since then. Estimates of Hezbollah’s rocket and missile arsenal suggest it could inflict significant damage on Israel, despite the sophistication of Israeli air defenses.

The Biden administration genuinely seeks to avoid a new Israel-Hezbollah war, but its efforts face significant challenges. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, which aimed to resolve the 2006 conflict, provides a potential framework for peace. However, the current negative atmosphere and Hezbollah’s solidarity with Gaza Palestinians complicate these efforts.

UN Chief Warns: Lebanon Cannot Become Another Gaza

The administration’s declaratory policy, including assurances of support for Israel in the event of a conflict, may inadvertently encourage Israeli aggression. If a full-scale war does break out, the world is likely to view the United States as complicit, leading to diplomatic isolation and increased anti-American sentiment.

Ultimately, an Israeli invasion of Lebanon would likely result in extensive destruction without achieving long-term security. Instead, it could further entrench Hezbollah’s role as a defender against Israeli aggression and exacerbate regional instability. The Biden administration’s challenge is to navigate these complex dynamics and prevent a conflict that would have far-reaching and devastating consequences for the region and beyond.

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EDITORIAL

Russia Arming Houthis: A New Threat to Somaliland’s Security and Global Internet

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How Moscow’s Support for Yemen’s Rebels and Attacks on Submarine Cables Could Destabilize the Red Sea and Somaliland

In a provocative and highly controversial move, Russia’s potential provision of weapons to the Houthi rebels in Yemen threatens to escalate tensions in the already volatile Red Sea region. This development, coupled with the looming threat to submarine internet cables critical to global communications, could have far-reaching consequences for the Gulf of Aden, Somaliland, and the broader international community.

Russian state media figure Vladimir Solovyov recently suggested that Moscow should arm the Houthis to retaliate against Western support for Ukraine. This statement comes amid ongoing clashes between Iran-aligned Houthi rebels and Western forces in the Red Sea. The Houthis have been targeting ships, including a recent missile attack on the British-registered Rubymar vessel, escalating the conflict in a crucial maritime corridor.

If Russia follows through on Solovyov’s suggestion, it could transform the balance of power in the Red Sea. The Houthis, already emboldened by Iranian support, would gain access to more sophisticated weaponry, potentially including semi-submersible unmanned boats and advanced firearms. This could significantly increase the threat to international shipping and military assets in the region, leading to a broader conflict involving the Gulf states and their allies.

Adding another layer of complexity is the potential disruption of submarine cables, which are the backbone of global internet connectivity. These cables, spanning over 1.4 million kilometers of ocean floor, carry a significant portion of the world’s internet traffic. The Red Sea alone hosts around 16 cable systems that connect Europe to Asia, transporting data for up to 2.3 billion people.

The Houthi rebels have been accused of planning attacks on these crucial communication links. An incident in February 2024 saw the interruption of four internet cables in the Red Sea, impacting 25% of internet traffic between Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. While the Houthis denied involvement, suspicions remain high, given their history of targeting infrastructure in the region.

The deliberate targeting of submarine cables by the Houthis, potentially with Russian backing, could disrupt global communications, affecting everything from financial transactions to military operations. Such an attack would be a clear act of cyber warfare, with profound implications for international security and economic stability.

For Somaliland, the geopolitical stakes are particularly high. The unrecognized state has been seeking greater international legitimacy and support, notably offering the strategic port of Berbera as a military base to the United States. However, U.S. policy has been ambivalent, failing to capitalize on this opportunity while opposing Somaliland’s Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Ethiopia.

As Russia and China expand their influence in the region, Somaliland’s strategic importance grows. If the U.S. continues to neglect Somaliland, it risks losing a critical ally in the Red Sea to its rivals. Recognizing Somaliland and strengthening military and economic ties could counterbalance the influence of Russia and China, ensuring that the Red Sea remains a stable and secure maritime corridor.

The Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE, also have a vested interest in the stability of the Red Sea. The disruption of submarine cables and the arming of the Houthis could threaten their economic and security interests, given their reliance on secure maritime routes for oil exports and other trade. Increased Houthi capabilities could lead to more frequent and severe attacks on shipping, potentially closing critical chokepoints like the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

The current U.S. administration faces a critical decision point. The neglect of Somaliland and the failure to adequately address the threats posed by Russian and Iranian activities in the Red Sea could have dire consequences. It is imperative for the U.S. and its allies to reassess their strategies in the region, taking decisive steps to support Somaliland’s quest for recognition and stability.

Strengthening military and intelligence cooperation with Somaliland could serve as a deterrent to Russian and Iranian ambitions. Additionally, enhancing the protection of submarine cables through international collaboration and advanced surveillance technologies is crucial to safeguarding global internet infrastructure.

The convergence of Russian support for the Houthis and the threat to submarine cables represents a significant and growing challenge for the international community. The potential for increased conflict in the Red Sea, coupled with the risk of major disruptions to global communications, demands urgent and coordinated action from Western governments.

Ignoring these threats could lead to a destabilized region, with far-reaching impacts on global security and economic stability. It is time for the West to recognize the strategic importance of Somaliland and the need for robust responses to the emerging threats in the Red Sea. Only through proactive and concerted efforts can the balance of power be maintained and the interests of the international community safeguarded.

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Africa

Somaliland’s Tribal Power Struggle: Wadani vs. KAAH

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How Clan Loyalties and Traditional Leaders Threaten the November 2024 Elections –

Somaliland is witnessing a disturbing regression into tribal politics as it gears up for the November 2024 elections. What was once a beacon of hope for democracy in the Horn of Africa is now at risk of being overshadowed by the sinister influence of clan loyalties and traditional leaders. The upcoming elections, rather than being a celebration of democratic progress, are turning into a tribal showdown that threatens the very fabric of Somaliland’s hard-won peace and stability.

The recent clash between KAAH chairman Mahmoud Hashi and Wadani party candidate Abdirahman Cirro over the Habarjeclo votes has laid bare the ugly reality of Somaliland’s political landscape. This isn’t just a political disagreement; it’s a struggle for tribal dominance that is eroding the democratic principles Somaliland has strived to uphold.

Imagine this: after decades of fighting for independence and building a semblance of democratic governance, the people of Somaliland now find their fate being decided not by the ballot box, but by traditional clan elders. These elders, particularly from the Habarjeclo tribe, have blatantly disregarded Somaliland’s electoral laws, crafting new rules that serve their interests and sidelining the nation’s constitution. This brazen power grab is nothing short of a betrayal of the people’s trust and a mockery of their democratic aspirations.

The complicity of legislative councils and the senate, dominated by Habarjeclo figures, in this travesty is particularly egregious. They have not only sanctioned this illegal takeover but actively participated in it. This scandalous subversion of democracy is a stark reminder of how fragile Somaliland’s political system remains. The upcoming elections, instead of being a beacon of democratic progress, risk becoming a farce dominated by tribal allegiance.

Let’s be clear: this isn’t just about political maneuvering. It’s about the future of a nation and its people. The orchestrated push by traditional Habarjeclo leaders to monopolize political power and exclude other parties from the presidential race on November 13, 2024, is a direct assault on the multi-party system. This system, which allows for political plurality, is being systematically dismantled in favor of tribal hegemony. The exclusion of the Horseed and Hilaac organizations and the aggressive stance of the Wadani party only exacerbate the situation, creating an atmosphere of tension and instability.

What is perhaps most alarming is the silence of Somaliland’s educated elite and those in top positions. Their acquiescence—or worse, their complicity—in this regression into tribalism is a betrayal of their responsibilities. How can these leaders, who should be the vanguards of democracy, remain silent as the nation teeters on the brink of tribal anarchy?

The spectacle of three politicians from the Habarjeclo tribe—Mohamed Kahin of Kulmiye, Hirsi Haji Ali of Wadani, and Mahmoud Hashi of KAAH—competing for their tribe’s votes is a damning indictment of Somaliland’s political landscape. This internal feud, framed as a struggle for tribal dominance, is a disgrace to the democratic ideals that Somaliland purportedly upholds.

The people of Somaliland deserve better. They deserve leaders who prioritize national unity and democratic governance over narrow tribal interests. The November 2024 elections should be an opportunity to reaffirm Somaliland’s commitment to democracy, not a descent into tribal chaos.

Mahmoud Hashi’s attempt to leverage Abdirahman Irro’s power for the benefit of KAAH, and Irro’s refusal to relinquish Wadani’s presidential ambitions, only highlights the extent to which tribal politics has corrupted the electoral process. This sordid saga of backroom deals and tribal horse-trading is a travesty of democracy.

The people of Somaliland have not endured decades of conflict and instability only to see their democratic dreams dashed by the whims of tribal leaders. The silent majority—the ordinary men and women who want nothing more than peace, stability, and a voice in their own governance—must stand up and demand better. They must hold their leaders accountable and insist on a return to the principles of democracy and the rule of law.

As the elections approach, it is imperative that the international community and the people of Somaliland hold their leaders accountable. The time has come to reject the pernicious influence of tribal politics and demand a return to democratic principles. Only by doing so can Somaliland hope to achieve the peace and stability that its people so desperately crave.

The future of Somaliland hangs in the balance. Will it be a future defined by democratic progress and national unity, or will it be marred by tribalism and division? The choice lies in the hands of the Somaliland people and their leaders. The world is watching, and the stakes could not be higher.

Exposing the Conspiracy: Mohamed Abdullahi Omar’s Hidden Agenda Against Somaliland

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EDITORIAL

How Corrupt Politicians, Unreliable Media, and an Unholy Alliance Threaten Somaliland’s Stability

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Somaliland at the Crossroads: Facing an Internal Betrayal and External Threats

Somaliland is grappling with unprecedented internal and external threats that could undermine its quest for recognition and stability. Reliable sources have revealed a disturbing trend: some leaders within the Somaliland government are allegedly colluding with external enemies, compromising the integrity and future of the region. This article delves into the multifaceted dangers Somaliland faces, examining the internal betrayals, media manipulation, and the ominous alliance between Somalia and terrorist groups such as Al-Shabaab.

Recent revelations suggest that certain Somaliland government leaders are clandestinely working with adversaries to destabilize the region. This betrayal from within poses a severe threat to Somaliland’s security and governance. These leaders are reportedly leveraging their positions for personal gain, influenced by external money and political pressure. This internal corruption not only erodes trust in the government but also weakens Somaliland’s ability to defend itself against external threats.

The role of the media in Somaliland’s current predicament cannot be overstated. The government’s media apparatus is accused of being staffed by uneducated individuals who, driven by financial incentives, are effectively acting as mouthpieces for enemy interests. This manipulation of information can swiftly erode public trust and destabilize the region. The government’s failure to address these internal media problems is reminiscent of the misinformation and chaos during the Lasanod conflict in 2023. If history is not to repeat itself, Somaliland must confront these internal media failings head-on.

The geopolitical landscape surrounding Somaliland is fraught with danger. Somalia, plagued by corruption, terrorism, and instability, has reportedly formed an unholy alliance with terrorist organizations like Al-Shabaab and ISIS. This collaboration poses a direct threat to Somaliland’s security and sovereignty. Al-Shabaab, in particular, has been integrated into Somalia’s political and military strategies, blurring the lines between the state and terrorist operations. The announcement of direct talks between the Somali government and Al-Shabaab on July 22 only underscores this alarming convergence of interests.

At this critical juncture, Somaliland’s leaders must seize the opportunity to strengthen internal unity and address the multifaceted threats facing the region. This includes accommodating the diverse demands of its population and ensuring that governance remains transparent and accountable. The threat posed by Al-Shabaab and its allies is not just an external issue; it is a profound challenge to the democratic values and good governance that Somaliland aspires to uphold.

The situation in Somaliland bears troubling similarities to the early stages of the Afghan conflict. Just as the Taliban forged alliances with various factions to destabilize Afghanistan, Al-Shabaab and its affiliates are seeking to exploit the weaknesses within Somaliland. The collaboration between Al-Shabaab and the Houthis further complicates the regional security dynamics, presenting an even greater challenge to Somaliland’s stability.

Somaliland stands at a crossroads. The combination of internal betrayal, media manipulation, and external threats from an unholy alliance between Somalia and terrorist groups necessitates immediate and decisive action. Somaliland’s leaders must look inward to root out clannism, strengthen the integrity of their media, and bolster defenses against external threats.

The future of Somaliland depends on its ability to confront these challenges head-on and maintain its commitment to democracy and good governance.

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EDITORIAL

The Legacy of President Muse Bihi: Crafting the Future of Somaliland’s History and Education

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President Muse Bihi of Somaliland has initiated a significant project that promises to shape the future of the nation for generations to come. By establishing the Somaliland History House, Bihi is not only preserving the rich history and resources of the country but also creating a hub for education and research that will benefit future leaders and citizens. This bold move underscores his commitment to the nation’s heritage and the educational advancement of its people.

The Somaliland History House, or Hoygani, is more than just a museum. It is a comprehensive center dedicated to the preservation and promotion of Somaliland’s historical and cultural legacy. This institution serves as a genealogy center, connecting the present generation with their ancestors and providing a space for the community and tourists to explore the nation’s past. The center features various sections, including exhibits on the heritage and culture of Somaliland, the tools and lifestyles of ancient inhabitants, and an audio-visual presentation of the country’s history.

President Bihi’s vision for the Somaliland History House goes beyond mere preservation. He sees it as a crucial educational resource that will inspire and inform future generations. By providing a place to study and research, the center aims to enhance the educational landscape of Somaliland, fostering a deeper understanding and appreciation of the nation’s history among its youth. This initiative reflects Bihi’s forward-thinking approach and his dedication to creating a lasting impact on the country’s educational infrastructure.

However, the success of this ambitious project and its integration into the broader political landscape of Somaliland is not without challenges. The political climate is fraught with tension as the upcoming election on November 13, 2024, approaches. President Bihi and his Kulmiye political party face harsh criticism and fierce opposition, with private media outlets often siding against them. The government’s media apparatus is underdeveloped and lacks professional expertise, being staffed by individuals chosen more for their clan affiliations than their qualifications.

This disparity in media capabilities puts the Kulmiye party at a significant disadvantage. The opposition parties, with their more professional and strategically adept media presence, have been able to shape public opinion more effectively. This situation poses a substantial obstacle for Bihi and his party as they strive to communicate their achievements and future plans to the electorate.

The inauguration of the Somaliland History House could play a pivotal role in the upcoming election campaign. It stands as a testament to President Bihi’s dedication to preserving Somaliland’s history and enhancing its educational framework. Yet, without a robust and professional media strategy, the full impact of this achievement might not reach the broader public. The government media needs an urgent upgrade to compete with the opposition’s narrative and to highlight the significance of projects like the Somaliland History House.

In conclusion, President Muse Bihi’s establishment of the Somaliland History House is a landmark achievement that holds great promise for the future of the nation’s history and education. However, the political and media landscape presents significant challenges that need to be addressed to ensure that this and other initiatives are effectively communicated to the public. The upcoming election will be a critical test for Bihi and the Kulmiye party, as they navigate these complexities and strive to secure their place in Somaliland’s future.

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EDITORIAL

Political Dynamics in Somaliland: The Battle Over the MOU

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Somaliland functions with a high degree of autonomy and has a complex political landscape shaped by several key parties with differing visions for its future. A significant recent development stirring controversy is the debate over a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), which has become a flashpoint among the political elite.

Key Political Parties and Their Positions on the MOU

The Kulmiye Party, founded in 2002 and currently led by the interior Minister Mohamed Kahin, holds a center-right political stance focused on the sovereignty and international recognition of Somaliland. Since 2010, Kulmiye has been the ruling party, spearheading initiatives that promote internal stability and seek diplomatic recognition. Kulmiye supports the MOU, viewing it as a crucial tool to reinforce administrative and governance structures within Somaliland. This support is rooted in the belief that the MOU will enhance political and economic stability and align with broader efforts to bolster Somaliland’s claims for international recognition by demonstrating effective self-governance.

The UCID Party, established in 2001 under the leadership of Faysal Ali Warabe, is a centrist party that advocates for social justice, welfare, and practical governance solutions. While not as dominant as Kulmiye, UCID has been a consistent force in Somaliland politics, often backing initiatives aimed at enhancing governance. The party supports the MOU for its potential to improve internal governance and economic policies, thereby contributing to a stable and progressive political environment. UCID sees the MOU as aligning with its agenda of strengthening internal systems without compromising Somaliland’s quest for independence.

The WADANI Party, founded in 2012 and led by Hirsi Haaji Ali, takes a center-left stance, advocating for a more inclusive and flexible approach to Somaliland’s political future, including exploring confederal options with Somalia. As the main opposition party, WADANI has been a critical voice challenging the ruling party’s policies and presenting alternative governance models. WADANI opposes the MOU, rooted in its broader political agenda, which includes considering a confederal relationship with Somalia. The party views the MOU as an attempt to cement Somaliland’s separation from Somalia without adequate discussion of confederal options, undermining WADANI’s political strategies and lacking essential provisions for Somaliland’s future, particularly regarding its relationship with Somalia.

Controversy and Criticism: WADANI Party’s Role

The WADANI Party has been a contentious player in Somaliland’s political arena. Its opposition to the MOU has not only created political friction but also raised suspicions about its intentions. Critics accuse WADANI of pursuing power at any cost, even if it means destabilizing Somaliland. This criticism is fueled by several incidents that have tarnished the party’s image.

WADANI has been accused of inciting violence and unrest. A notable incident involved the killing of a 11 police officers, an act that has been widely condemned and linked to the party’s aggressive tactics. The party’s opposition to various developmental projects and initiatives, including the MOU, has been seen as detrimental to Somaliland’s progress. Critics argue that WADANI prioritizes its political agenda over the well-being of the nation. There are allegations that WADANI has ties to hostile entities in Lasanod, aiming to destabilize the region to further its political ambitions. These connections raise serious concerns about the party’s loyalty to Somaliland’s interests.

The Importance of the MOU

The MOU represents a significant step towards reinforcing Somaliland’s governance frameworks and economic policies. For parties like Kulmiye and UCID, the MOU is seen as an opportunity to solidify governance reforms, promote economic stability, and enhance the credibility of Somaliland as a self-governing entity. The MOU is also aligned with efforts to demonstrate Somaliland’s self-governance capability and garner international recognition support.

In conclusion, the political landscape in Somaliland is marked by deep-seated rivalries and differing visions for the future. The debate over the MOU highlights these tensions, with Kulmiye and UCID supporting the agreement as a step towards stability and international recognition, while WADANI opposes it, citing concerns over Somaliland’s relationship with Somalia. The allegations against WADANI of inciting violence and undermining development further complicate the political dynamics.

Somaliland’s path forward will depend on navigating these complex political waters and ensuring that governance reforms and economic stability are prioritized over partisan interests. The support for the MOU by Kulmiye and UCID, and the opposition by WADANI, illustrates the multifaceted political landscape and the ongoing debates within Somaliland about its future direction.

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EDITORIAL

Minister Kahin Honors Poet Abdi Iidaan and Exposes Opposition Malfeasance

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Minister Kahin’s Bold Stance Against Opposition and Celebration of Cultural Heritage 

In a powerful ceremony in Hargeisa, Somaliland’s Minister of Internal Affairs and Kulmiye Party chairman, Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, praised poet Abdi Iidaan Farah and criticized the Waddani Party’s detrimental actions against national security. Learn about his compelling speech and the political landscape of Somaliland.

HARGEISA, SOMALILAND — In a ceremony filled with cultural reverence and political intensity, Minister of Internal Affairs and chairman of the Kulmiye Party, Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, paid homage to the late poet Abdi Iidaan Farah while delivering a scathing critique of the Waddani Party. The event took place in the heart of Hargeisa, where Minister Kahin seized the opportunity to intertwine the nation’s cultural pride with its current political struggles.

Minister Kahin began his address by honoring Abdi Iidaan Farah, a revered poet whose legacy has profoundly impacted Somaliland’s cultural heritage. Farah, who passed away years ago in Hargeisa, was celebrated for his literary contributions that continue to inspire the nation. Kahin lamented that neither the book about Farah nor the ceremony had received the recognition they deserved, highlighting the need to cherish and promote Somaliland’s cultural icons.

Transitioning to the political sphere, Minister Kahin directed his ire towards the Waddani Party, accusing them of undermining national security and obstructing vital governmental processes. He emphasized the importance of distinguishing between nationalism and political ideologies, reminding the audience of Somaliland’s commendable election processes that have garnered international recognition since 2002.

Minister Kahin’s speech took a more intense tone as he addressed the ongoing delays in the national budget approval, attributing the impasse to Waddani Party candidate Abdirahman Abdullahi Irro and the chairman of the Kaah association, Mahmoud Hashi. He accused them of blocking salaries for national forces, a move that has severe implications for the nation’s security and well-being. Kahin vowed to expose the opposition’s tactics and shared that there is documented evidence of their disrespect towards national forces.

Drawing from historical examples, Kahin recounted the third president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kaahin’s visit to Lascanod amidst unrest, where opposition from the Kulmiye Party was set aside for the national interest. He contrasted this with the Waddani Party’s actions, accusing them of sending troops to Gacan Libah mountain, resulting in tragic losses for the Somaliland forces.

Minister Kahin didn’t hold back in his personal attacks on Mahmoud Hashi, revealing past corrupt practices during his tenure in the previous government. He alleged that Hashi misappropriated funds meant for national projects. This revelation was met with widespread applause, underscoring the public’s support for Kahin’s transparency and accountability.

Kahin reminisced about his own history as a fighter in the Somali National Movement (SNM), particularly his role in the liberation of Somaliland, reinforcing his commitment to national service. He praised Faisal, the chairman of the Ucid party, for his constructive criticism that does not undermine national unity, contrasting it with the divisive tactics of the Waddani Party.

Minister Kahin concluded his speech by urging the youth to learn and honor their history, reinforcing the importance of national unity. He reassured the public that the Kulmiye Party and the current government are committed to peace and cooperation with nations that respect Somaliland’s sovereignty, such as Ethiopia, despite Somalia’s opposition.

In closing, Minister Kahin reiterated the government’s readiness for the upcoming elections and announced the purchase of 1,000 copies of the book on Abdi Iidaan Farah as a gesture of cultural appreciation. His speech, marked by passion and conviction, highlighted the stark contrasts between the Kulmiye Party’s vision for Somaliland and the Waddani Party’s contentious actions.

In a surprising turn, Minister Kahin hinted at releasing further evidence against the opposition, promising to unveil videos and documents that would expose the Waddani Party’s continual disrespect towards national forces. This revelation has the potential to shift the political landscape significantly, as Kahin’s disclosures could sway public opinion further in favor of the Kulmiye Party.

In conclusion, Minister Mohamed Kahin Ahmed’s speech in Hargeisa serves as a pivotal moment in Somaliland’s political narrative. By blending cultural homage with a robust critique of opposition parties, Kahin reasserted the Kulmiye Party’s commitment to national unity and transparency. As the political climate intensifies, the people of Somaliland are left to contemplate the future leadership of their nation.

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