President Irro’s tour of Doraleh Terminal and talks with Djibouti Ports Authority mark turning point for regional trade and infrastructure cooperation.

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro of Somaliland, accompanied by key members of his delegation, was welcomed on Thursday by Mr. Aboubaker Omar Hadi, Chairman of the Djibouti Ports and Free Zones Authority (APZFD), for a high-level meeting at Red Sea World—the heart of Djibouti’s maritime power.

The encounter signaled a pivotal advancement in regional port integration, with both sides eyeing a new era of joint infrastructure development, cross-border logistics optimization, and maritime economic cooperation.

Joining the meeting were Djiboutian Cabinet heavyweights Hassan Houmad Ibrahim, Minister of Infrastructure and Equipment, and Radwan Abdillahi Bahdon, Minister of Communications, along with senior executives from APZFD. The discussions focused on reviving strategic port projects in Somaliland—particularly Zeyla, Toqoshi, and Bullaxar—and aligning them with Djibouti’s world-class logistics network.

In a powerful symbol of connectivity and vision, President Irro and his delegation toured the Doraleh Container Terminal (SGTD), regarded as one of Africa’s most technologically advanced seaports. There, they witnessed firsthand the high-efficiency operations, cutting-edge handling systems, and seamless maritime-land integration that have made SGTD a linchpin in Red Sea trade.

SGTD officials showcased Djibouti’s port infrastructure and its capacity to serve as a critical hub not only for East Africa but for the wider global shipping community. The visit sparked conversations around harmonizing port standards and building shared logistics corridors that can turbocharge Somaliland’s emerging trade potential.

This landmark engagement positions Somaliland as a serious regional partner in the Horn of Africa’s rising maritime economy. This cooperative momentum between Djibouti and Somaliland could reshape supply chains and create a new axis of economic power in East Africa.

President Irro’s visit to Djibouti’s port authority is not just diplomatic—it’s transformational. It reflects his administration’s commitment to leveraging infrastructure for economic independence, forging practical partnerships, and placing Somaliland at the core of regional integration.

As talks progress on shared port development and streamlined trade routes, one thing is clear: Djibouti and Somaliland are rewriting the map of African logistics—together.

President Irro and President Guelleh launch high-level talks as Djibouti’s top officials hail “unbreakable ties” and open doors to deeper strategic, trade, and security cooperation. President Irro’s Visit to Djibouti Gains Momentum as Top Djiboutian Minister Issues Warm Welcome.

Somaliland’s President Irro lands in Djibouti for a milestone visit to strengthen bilateral ties with President Guelleh. Warm welcome from Djibouti’s Minister of Economy signals new chapter in regional diplomacy and unity.

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro of the Republic of Somaliland has arrived in Djibouti for a three-day working visit at the invitation of President Ismail Omar Guelleh. The visit signals a strategic reset between the two Horn of Africa neighbors—twin nations divided by borders, but bound by history, culture, and economic fate.

The bilateral meeting comes at a crucial moment in regional geopolitics, with heightened competition among global powers for influence in the Red Sea corridor. For Somaliland, this marks President Irro’s most important diplomatic outreach since taking office—an effort to position Somaliland as a strategic partner in Africa’s most contested maritime theatre.

“Djibouti and Somaliland are two branches of the same tree,” declared Ilyas M. Dawaleh, Djibouti’s influential Minister of Economy and Finance in charge of Industry, and Secretary General of the ruling RPP party, in a welcoming post on X. “Brothers and sisters, God created us, and we will always be”

Ilyas Moussa Dawaleh
Minister of Economy and Finance, Republic of Djibouti

Dawaleh’s statement is more than sentiment—it’s a clear signal that Djibouti is ready to engage Somaliland as a legitimate regional stakeholder. Analysts say the emotional warmth combined with economic intent could usher in new agreements on trade, port logistics, infrastructure cooperation, and cross-border security.

The talks are expected to cover a wide range of strategic issues, including enhanced trade routes between Berbera and Djibouti, counterterrorism collaboration, and joint infrastructure projects that could serve both nations’ economic ambitions.

President Irro’s delegation includes senior ministers and top advisers, reflecting the weight Hargeisa places on this diplomatic overture. After years of fluctuating relations and muted engagement, Irro’s direct dialogue with Guelleh is being viewed as a breakthrough—particularly as Somaliland pursues broader international recognition.

The visit also plays well into Djibouti’s long-term regional calculus. Surrounded by an increasingly unstable Horn, Djibouti benefits from closer cooperation with a functioning, peaceful neighbor like Somaliland. The potential for shared port logistics, transit corridors, and coordinated maritime security is too great to ignore—especially with Gulf powers, China, and the United States expanding their stakes in the region.

For Somaliland, the trip is equally symbolic and pragmatic. It presents an opportunity to show the world—and particularly the African continent—that Somaliland is not isolated, but actively engaged in regional diplomacy and cooperation.

As President Irro and President Guelleh prepare for closed-door talks, the message is clear: the Horn of Africa has room for homegrown partnerships rooted in mutual respect and regional solidarity. For Djibouti and Somaliland, this visit could mark the beginning of a renewed alliance, driven not by global agendas—but by the undeniable bond of shared destiny.

As U.S. forces exit Niger, Washington turns to Abidjan to counter jihadist threats, Russian and Chinese influence, and protect strategic Sahel corridors.

With its drone wings clipped in Niger and the Sahel in freefall, the United States is recalibrating its military strategy in West Africa — and Côte d’Ivoire is now the cornerstone. The two nations are in advanced discussions to establish a U.S. drone base, marking a seismic shift in regional defense architecture amid rising threats from jihadist insurgents and geopolitical adversaries.

The potential base, likely in proximity to Mali and Burkina Faso’s porous borders, would serve as a launchpad for surveillance, counterterrorism strikes, and strategic deterrence. It also sends a blunt message: the U.S. is not surrendering West Africa to Russian mercenaries or Chinese contractors.

General Michael Langley, AFRICOM’s top brass, made the intent clear during his April 2025 visit to Côte d’Ivoire.

General Langley and U.S. Ambassador Jessica Davis Ba held meetings with Ivorian Minister of Defence Téné Birahima Ouattara and Chief of Defence Staff Lt. Gen. Lassina Doumbia.

His presence at Flintlock 2025, the continent’s elite multinational war game, was more than symbolic — it was the clearest signal yet that Abidjan is Washington’s new security partner of choice.

With over 500 special forces operatives from 38 countries converging in Jacqueville, Côte d’Ivoire showcased not only its rising military sophistication but its ambition to lead the Sahel’s security reset. Unlike the fractured regimes in Bamako or Ouagadougou, Abidjan offers a stable platform and reliable governance — rare currency in today’s West Africa.

This pivot is strategic, not just tactical. As Russia tightens its grip on juntas in Mali and Burkina Faso through Wagner-linked proxies, and as China quietly dominates infrastructure and port access, the U.S. is racing to secure its own influence corridor from the Gulf of Guinea northward. A drone base is the centerpiece of that chessboard.

Discussions remain fluid. No final site has been selected, but U.S. officials have floated the idea of leveraging existing Ivorian military facilities — a cost-efficient alternative to building from scratch. Jacqueville and areas near Odienné are being eyed, especially for their proximity to jihadist flashpoints.

The stakes? Enormous.

With terrorist networks metastasizing across the Sahel and maritime piracy returning in the Gulf of Guinea, the U.S. cannot afford to be blind or absent in this region. Côte d’Ivoire, a democracy with a functioning military, is offering exactly what Washington needs: access, stability, and shared security priorities.

For now, Abidjan is emerging as America’s new eye in the sky — and possibly, its last real chance to hold ground in a rapidly shifting West African battlefield.

Djibouti is no longer just a speck on the map of the Horn of Africa. In 2025, it is steadily emerging as a continental force reshaping regional politics, diplomacy, trade, and infrastructure. Long dismissed by observers as a nation overreaching its economic limits, Djibouti is now proving its bold investments were not only justified—but transformative for the Horn of Africa’s future.

From Margin to the Center of Power

Once seen as a logistical hub serving foreign interests, Djibouti now leads Africa’s institutional architecture from the front. With Foreign Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssouf elected as Chair of the African Union Commission, and Djibouti continuing to anchor the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the country is shaping the rules of East African integration.

Djibouti’s Mahamoud Secures Historic AU Commission Chairmanship

This dual leadership gives Djibouti unique leverage over everything from regional security coordination to economic development frameworks.

A FIFA Power Play

Historic Milestone: Djibouti’s Waaberi Joins FIFA’s Executive Committee

In the realm of global sports diplomacy, Djibouti has broken another ceiling. Sulayman Hassan Waaberi’s election to FIFA’s Executive Committee marked the first time an East African held a top role in global football governance. It’s more than symbolic. It means Djibouti now sits at tables where both politics and prestige converge—a strategic position many larger African states still aspire to.

Infrastructure: From Overreach to Regional Engine

Perhaps the most underestimated yet visionary part of Djibouti’s rise lies in its long-term infrastructure investments. For years, critics scoffed at the scale of Djibouti’s spending—on ports, railways, free zones, data hubs—arguing the country was building beyond its domestic needs or financial means. But in 2025, those same projects are now feeding the economic veins of the region.

Djibouti’s ports serve Ethiopia, South Sudan, and even the Central African Republic. Its railway links and telecom infrastructure power trade and digital connectivity far beyond its borders. The country has proven that building for the region—not just for oneself—is a winning bet in a geopolitically contested space like the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb.

The £100 Billion Vision

Djibouti’s boldest plan yet—a £100 billion mega-city initiative with Yemen, linked by a 20-mile suspension bridge—is more than a dream. It’s a signal. A signal that Djibouti sees itself as a connector between continents, where Africa and Asia converge, where renewable energy, green cities, and futuristic logistics become the new normal. The project has already captured imaginations globally. Whether or not it fully materializes, Djibouti has already declared its ambition.

The Legacy of Guelleh: What Comes Next?

President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh

As President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh prepares for what many believe is his final term, the question now turns to succession and consolidation. Will Djibouti’s next generation of leaders have the strategic depth, institutional discipline, and global acumen to carry the legacy forward?

Guelleh’s tenure was defined by placing Djibouti on the global map through audacious deals, stable governance, and elite diplomacy. But legacy requires more than memory—it requires structures that outlive personality. The transition phase will test whether Djibouti’s ascent is a one-man era or a national doctrine.

Conclusion: A Small State with a Continental Shadow

In 2025, Djibouti is no longer a silent facilitator—it is a regional architect. Its leadership of continental institutions, presence in global sports diplomacy, and futuristic infrastructural ambitions position it as a template for African agency. Quietly but forcefully, Djibouti is redrawing the map of influence on the continent—and for once, the smallest player might be the one leading the biggest game.

In a stark escalation following a Houthi missile strike on Israeli territory, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has issued a direct warning to civilians in Yemen, urging them to immediately evacuate three key Red Sea ports: Hodeidah, Ras Isa, and Al-Salif. The move signals that a retaliatory strike could be imminent, as Israel prepares to target what it calls “terror infrastructure” vital to Houthi operations.

In a rare Arabic-language statement released on Wednesday, the IDF’s regional spokesperson declared:

“We urge all those present in the seaports controlled by the terrorist Houthi regime to leave and stay away for your own safety. These locations are being exploited for hostile activities, and their evacuation is essential.”

According to Israeli intelligence, Hodeidah Port, in particular, serves as a major financial artery for the Houthis—generating customs revenues and serving as a suspected entry point for Iranian-supplied weapons and missile components. The warning comes just hours after the Houthis launched a long-range missile targeting Israeli airspace, an act Jerusalem now considers a direct crossing of red lines.

Israeli officials have reiterated that they consider the Houthi movement an extension of Iranian aggression, part of a broader axis that includes Hezbollah and Islamic Jihad. While the IDF has conducted limited strikes against Houthi positions in the past, this warning suggests a wider, potentially sustained military campaign could now be on the table.

Security analysts say Israel’s messaging is designed not only to justify preemptive or retaliatory strikes, but also to isolate the Houthis diplomatically by highlighting their use of civilian infrastructure for military purposes. The use of ports for weapons smuggling has long been alleged by Western and Gulf intelligence services, but Israel’s direct warning to Yemeni civilians marks a new level of engagement.

With the U.S. maintaining a military presence in the Red Sea and recent Houthi attacks targeting international shipping, regional tensions are rapidly converging. Any Israeli strike on Yemeni ports would risk further escalation—especially if civilian casualties are involved—but Israel appears determined to make clear that its deterrence extends beyond its northern and southern borders.

As the Houthis double down on their “solidarity strikes” with Gaza, Israel now seems poised to deliver a forceful message—one that could transform Yemen into the next major flashpoint in the region’s expanding conflict web.

In a stark shift reshaping the Middle East’s balance of power, Egypt is quietly deepening its ties with China—economically, diplomatically, and increasingly, militarily. While the country remains nominally aligned with the United States, its growing strategic embrace of Beijing reflects a broader recalibration away from Western hegemony toward multipolar realignment.

The evidence is everywhere. From the Chinese-financed construction of Egypt’s glittering new administrative capital to unconfirmed reports of Egyptian pilots training on Chinese fighter jets, the signs of a deepening relationship are multiplying. As Washington falters—politically distracted, diplomatically abrasive, and increasingly conditional—Beijing is offering something Cairo finds far more attractive: partnership without strings.

China’s presence is most visible in cement and steel. The massive urban center rising east of Cairo, touted as one of the world’s most ambitious development projects, is being built with Chinese investment and vision. But it’s more than infrastructure—it’s influence, and Beijing knows exactly what it’s buying.

What sets China apart is its approach. This isn’t about shock-and-awe military bases, but about long-term entrenchment through trade, tech, and turnkey development. Already, the Suez Canal Economic Zone hosts Chinese industrial parks, telecom operations, and logistics hubs. That’s not just soft power—it’s a prelude to security integration.

“China isn’t just lending to Egypt—it’s investing,” said economist Alicia García-Herrero. “That tells you Egypt is more than just another Belt and Road waypoint.”

Indeed, with Gulf state leadership facing growing regional resentment, Egypt is once again being eyed by the Arab street as a future power broker. A turn toward China could tilt the whole region. If Cairo realigns more firmly with Beijing, it risks undercutting U.S. policy from Gaza to the Gulf.

American arms come with human rights lectures and political caveats. Chinese arms come with low interest and high autonomy. And if Beijing can keep underwriting Egypt’s modernity while bypassing its politics, it may become Cairo’s most reliable partner in decades.

Washington should be watching closely. As China plays the long game with ports, pilots, and patience, Egypt is quietly drifting out of America’s orbit—one infrastructure deal at a time.

Beijing backs Moscow against U.S. pressure, warns against global ‘hegemonic order’ as Chinese leader attends Russia’s WWII victory parade.

Chinese President Xi Jinping landed in Moscow to join Vladimir Putin for Russia’s WWII Victory Day celebrations—just as Donald Trump’s White House renews secretive diplomatic overtures toward Moscow.

Speaking at the Kremlin, Xi echoed Moscow’s anti-Western sentiment, vowing to join Russia in resisting “unilateralism and hegemonic bullying.” While the words may seem abstract, their target was clear: Washington and its allies, who continue to support Ukraine and challenge China on trade and regional dominance.

“China will work with Russia to shoulder the special responsibilities of major world powers,” Xi declared beside Putin, referencing their growing “strategic coordination.”

Putin welcomed Xi as a “dear friend,” seizing the moment to connect Russia’s WWII legacy with his ongoing war in Ukraine—a conflict he frames as a fight against “neo-Nazism.”

The optics of Xi standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Putin at a time when Western leaders have boycotted the parade was not lost on observers. It marks China’s most explicit alignment with Russia’s wartime narrative since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

A Warning to Washington

Xi’s visit lands amid a dramatic backdrop: Trump’s push for a ceasefire deal between Russia and Ukraine is gaining traction, unsettling Beijing’s strategic calculus.

“Beijing is watching nervously,” said one Moscow-based diplomat. “Any U.S.-Russia deal could weaken China’s leverage and leave it isolated.”

Chinese media is already preparing domestic audiences for what it calls a “new era of multipolar diplomacy.” But critics say China’s stance as a neutral party in the Ukraine war is increasingly a fiction. Kyiv has accused Beijing of allowing Chinese nationals to assist Russian operations.

Pipeline Politics and Economic Pressure

Behind the scenes, Xi’s delegation is also pushing for progress on the Power of Siberia 2 pipeline—a delayed $55 billion gas project designed to redirect Russian energy flows from Europe to China. With both nations under economic strain, analysts expect a deal may finally be within reach.

“Economic pressure on both sides could push them closer to a compromise this time around,” said Yulia Shapovalova.

As Xi promises to defend the “correct view” of WWII and backs Putin’s line on “modern militarism,” it’s becoming harder for China to sit on the fence. This visit marks a critical turning point in the global alignment: Beijing and Moscow are preparing for a world where American influence is contested—not respected.

Jirde Leads the Charge for Peace, While the Guurti Crumbles. 

(L) The chairman Peace Committee Abdiqadir Haaji Ismail Jirde (R) Speaker Saleebaan Mohamoud Adan

When President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) boldly established the Peace Committee in January 2025, appointing constitutional luminary Abdiqadir Ismail Jirde as its chairman, the old guard scoffed. They underestimated the tenacity, the integrity, and the sheer effectiveness of this new force. While the Guurti remained mired in endless debate, the Peace Committee acted.

They didn’t just talk peace; they walked it, venturing into the heart of burning conflicts armed with nothing but legitimacy and the unwavering trust of communities yearning for stability.

The results? Nothing short of revolutionary.

Ceel-Afweyn: Pacified.
Lasa nod: Dialogue Reopened.
Ethiopia’s Somali Region: Cross-border trust Established.

And the Guurti? While Somaliland bled, they clung to power, obsessed with maintaining the status quo. Now, as the nation surges forward, they can only watch and whine.

Envy: The Guurti’s Desperate Gambit

Last week, Speaker Saleebaan Mohamoud Adan, a figurehead presiding over the Guurti since the era of George W. Bush, staged a dramatic intervention, demanding the unconditional release of Khaatumo detainees. But this isn’t a genuine act of peacemaking; it’s a desperate PR stunt, a pathetic attempt to reclaim relevance.

“Where was this urgency during the darkest days of Lasa nod?” a senior political insider raged to WARYATV. “They slept through the crisis, only to wake up when Jirde delivered real progress!”

The truth is undeniable: the Guurti, blinded by arrogance, never anticipated the Peace Committee – and the legendary Jirde – stealing their thunder. Now, forced from the spotlight, their envy is palpable.

Jirde: The Legend the Guurti Can’t Touch

Abdiqadir Ismail Jirde is not just a mediator; he’s a national icon, the architect of Somaliland’s very constitution. He commands respect, not through clan allegiance or empty theatrics, but through a lifetime of unwavering dedication, sacrifice, and the laser clarity of his mission.

His words this week were a dagger to the heart of the old guard: “Peace is everyone’s concern. There is no one who is only interested in peace.”

This line resonates with a profound truth: for far too long, peace in Somaliland has been manipulated, delayed, commodified, and strangled by bureaucratic inertia. The Guurti, with their failed negotiations and wasted millions, bear the brunt of this indictment. They stood by as blood spilled, and now they are consumed by bitterness as they witness a committee, spearheaded by a President who acts instead of pontificates, achieve what they deemed impossible.

Welcome to the New Era

Somaliland is entering a new era, a paradigm shift where results matter more than rhetoric. The Jirde Committee possesses the legitimacy, the public trust, and the international recognition that the Guurti has squandered. While the elders cling to their air-conditioned chambers, their car fleets, and a rapidly disintegrating reputation, the ground is shifting beneath their feet.

The old guard is right to panic. Their time is over.

This is the end of politics by inheritance, the death knell for empty suits wielding microphones, the final curtain call for tribal cheerleaders masquerading as statesmen.

The Inevitable Silence

To the elders who laid the foundation of Somaliland, we offer a measure of respect. But to those who overstayed their welcome, who clung to titles and sabotaged progress for personal gain – your reign is ending.

When the music fades, and the crowds erupt in applause not for you, but for those who delivered peace while you delivered platitudes, the stark reality will finally dawn: legacy is earned, not inherited.

And when that final, undeserved Guurti paycheck clears, the curtain will fall, not to the sound of applause, but to the deafening silence of irrelevance.

The Peace Committee of Somaliland: Building Unity, Securing the Future