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KULMIYE IMPLODES: From Internal Feud to Full-Blown Power War

Leadership War, Institutional Intervention, and the Battle for Somaliland’s Opposition. A party built to govern is now fighting to survive.

Kulmiye, Somaliland’s once-dominant political force, is no longer wrestling with a routine leadership dispute. It is confronting a structural crisis that has ripped open the party’s core and exposed a battle over authority, legitimacy, and survival.

What began as a disagreement over the timing of a party congress has metastasized into an open power war between former President Muse Bihi Abdi and party chairman Mohamed Kahin Ahmed—a rupture now severe enough to trigger direct intervention by national institutions.

The flashpoint was Chairman Kahin’s unilateral decision to postpone Kulmiye’s congress by two years, invoking a loosely defined “national disaster.” Muse Bihi, backed by a growing bloc inside the party’s Central Council, rejected the delay outright, arguing that postponement violated party rules and suffocated internal democracy.

When the chairman of the Central Committee openly sided with Bihi, Kahin responded with the most drastic measure possible: expulsion. That decision detonated what little restraint remained.

Muse Bihi attempted to slow the escalation. Speaking publicly, he called for private dialogue, warned against media theatrics, and reiterated that he had no intention of reclaiming formal leadership, portraying himself as a retired elder seeking unity. But that narrative collapsed within an hour.

Kahin’s response was not conciliatory—it was incendiary. In a raw, unfiltered press appearance, he accused Muse Bihi of betrayal, cultural incompatibility, and—most explosively—of orchestrating an internal coup to install a puppet chairman.

“Muse Bihi will not lead us in a party of which I am the chairman,” Kahin declared, drawing a hard, zero-sum line that transformed disagreement into existential conflict.

At that moment, Kulmiye crossed a point of no return.

The dispute escalated beyond personalities when the Registration and Approval Committee of National Parties issued a binding ruling that stripped Kahin of his primary weapon: delay.

The committee declared the congress postponement illegal, affirming that only the Central Committee—not the chairman—has authority to seek extensions, and only under narrow conditions. It ordered Kulmiye to set a congress date within 30 days or face full institutional takeover of the process.

This ruling decisively reshaped the battlefield. It validated the reformist faction aligned with Muse Bihi, restored internal democratic mechanisms, and signaled that Somaliland’s institutions are willing to confront even the most entrenched political figures.

For Kahin, it was a strategic defeat. For Kulmiye, it was an enforced reckoning.

Speculation now swirls around Kahin’s motives. Some point to legacy politics—an aging power broker resisting irrelevance.

Others whisper of sub-clan pressure or even quiet encouragement from rival parties who benefit from a fractured opposition. Whatever the cause, the outcome is clear: the congress will happen, with or without Kahin’s consent.

Kulmiye now faces its most consequential test since its founding. Either it emerges from this forced congress with renewed leadership, coherence, and purpose—or it collapses into a hollowed shell, gifting political dominance to a ruling Waddani party already consolidating power.

This is no longer just Kulmiye’s crisis. It is a stress test of Somaliland’s political maturity. And for the first time in months, institutions—not personalities—have seized control of the outcome.

The clock is running. The congress is inevitable. And the opposition’s future will be decided not by rhetoric, but by who survives the vote.

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