The United Nations is racing against time to plug a $27 million funding shortfall for the new African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), warning that the mission’s momentum against Al-Shabaab could collapse if critical resources aren’t secured quickly.

In closed-door UN Security Council consultations on Monday, Somalia and the UK urged member states to step up and fulfill their commitments under Resolution 2719—a hybrid funding model that requires the UN to provide 75% of AUSSOM’s budget, with the remaining 25% raised externally. So far, only $14.5 million of the needed $41.6 million has been secured from the African Union Peace Fund and contributions from Japan and South Korea.

What’s at stake

AUSSOM took over from the AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) on January 1, with a revised annual budget of $166.5 million. Cost-saving measures—including keeping troop stipends at $828/month, scaling back aviation assets, and excluding death/disability compensation—have already slashed more than $124 million from operational costs. Still, without bridging this final gap, the mission’s core stability tasks could grind to a halt.

A UN official warned: “Without timely support, the mission risks losing ground at a time when the security environment remains highly volatile.”

Washington pushes back

The U.S. remains a key holdout. A bill in Congress would block American funding for AUSSOM under the 2719 framework, claiming Somalia is an unsuitable case for assessed contributions. Instead, Washington is pushing for alternative financial arrangements—delaying broader consensus and casting uncertainty on the May 15 deadline for full budget approval.

As Al-Shabaab regroups and Somalia’s political landscape remains fragile, the stakes for AUSSOM’s success are high—not just for Mogadishu, but for regional stability. A fractured Security Council risks handing militants an opening.

Without swift and unified action from donor states, AUSSOM’s future, and Somalia’s fragile security gains, could be on the line.

Former Somali President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed has issued a stinging rebuke of the National Consultative Council (NCC) summit, accusing President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration of exploiting the military for political purposes and attempting to centralize power. His warning reflects growing domestic and international unease over decisions made in the absence of key federal states.

At a press conference in Mogadishu, Sharif denounced the summit’s focus on building a major political party instead of fostering consensus. “To suggest that a new administration can be built from this chaos is deeply regrettable,” he said. His comments came amid mounting tension between the federal government and regional leaders, particularly in Puntland and Jubbaland, both of whom boycotted the summit.

The former president’s warnings mirror those of the United States, which issued a blunt statement on X (formerly Twitter) cautioning against unilateral decisions that ignore Somalia’s fragile federal balance. “Decisions taken without broad-based support will lack legitimacy and distract from pressing security challenges,” the U.S. State Department warned.

The NCC summit, attended by President Mohamud and allies from Galmudug, Hirshabelle, South West, pledged support for the Somali National Army and deeper federal-state cooperation. But critics argue that excluding Puntland and Jubbaland not only undermines the forum’s legitimacy but risks further fragmenting an already fragile union.

With elections looming in 2026, opposition figures are sounding alarms over what they see as a federal power grab disguised as reform. While the government insists it’s focused on strengthening governance and defeating Al-Shabaab, its sidelining of dissenting states has drawn sharp criticism at home and abroad.

The stakes are clear: Somalia’s path forward hinges not just on defeating terrorists, but on holding the federation together. Without consensus, even well-intended reforms may spark the opposite of stability.

The NCC summit may have unified a few, but it has alienated many. As Sharif warns of political recklessness and the U.S. signals diplomatic concern, Somalia faces a critical test—will it move toward inclusive governance, or risk deepening national divisions under the guise of unity?

U.S. Drops the Hammer: No Las Anod State, Warns Somalia to Obey the Constitution

Washington Shuts Down Secret Plans to Create Las Anod Federal State, Declares No Legitimacy Without Broad-Based Consensus.

This bombshell announcement rocks Mogadishu’s political class and signals a clear shift in Washington’s red lines.

In a significant diplomatic intervention, the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs has issued a statement emphasizing the necessity for inclusive decision-making processes in Somalia’s federal and electoral systems. This comes amid escalating tensions surrounding the contested city of Las Anod and the broader implications for Somalia’s political stability.

The U.S. Bureau of African Affairs stated on X (formerly Twitter):

“All relevant stakeholders should have a say in changes to Somalia’s federal and election systems. Decisions taken without broad-based support will lack legitimacy and distract from pressing security challenges.”

This statement underscores the U.S. government’s concern over unilateral decisions that could undermine Somalia’s constitutional framework and exacerbate existing security issues.

The situation in Las Anod has been particularly volatile. Clashes between Somaliland forces and local militias. The conflict underscores the complexities of Somalia’s federal structure and the sensitivities surrounding regional autonomy.

In response to the escalating violence and political maneuvering, the U.S. has reiterated its stance on the importance of inclusive governance and adherence to constitutional processes.

The emphasis is on preventing any unilateral actions that could undermine Somalia’s stability and the broader efforts to combat extremist groups like al-Shabaab.

As Somalia navigates these challenges, the international community continues to monitor developments closely, advocating for dialogue, constitutional adherence, and inclusive political processes to ensure long-term peace and stability in the region.

Somali officers join PLA-led exchange as Beijing ramps up defense diplomacy and supplies African armies with Chinese-made weapons.

Beijing has rolled out the red carpet for Africa’s next generation of military leaders—and Somalia is at the front of the line. Nearly 100 officers from over 40 African countries, including Somalia, have touched down in China for a 10-day defense diplomacy blitz that is equal parts charm offensive and strategic maneuver.

Hosted by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense and anchored at the PLA’s elite National University of Defense Technology, the exchange includes base tours, joint strategy sessions, and leadership workshops from May 6–15. It’s China’s fourth such program, but this one arrives at a critical time: Somalia’s armed forces are rearming, reorienting—and now, reengaging with Beijing.

The Somali National Army’s participation comes just weeks after it took delivery of Chinese-built ZFB-05 armored vehicles via the African Union. Although AU-branded, their Chinese origin is no accident. Beijing has quietly become a key player in African military logistics, especially where Western support has waned.

This exchange is not just about optics. China is offering hard power too: a billion-yuan military aid package, 6,000 troops to be trained, and an additional 1,000 police officers slated for capacity-building. Beijing is pitching itself not just as a friend—but as a defense partner willing to train, equip, and engage.

And it’s working. From the Red Sea to the Sahel, more African uniforms are being stitched with Chinese assistance. For Somalia, a country rebuilding its army from scratch, the promise of advanced training and modern gear—without Western political strings—is seductive.

China’s defense diplomacy in Africa is no longer subtle. It’s a strategic playbook: train elites, equip partners, and lock in loyalty through long-term military-to-military ties. The presence of Somali officers in this exchange isn’t just a photo op—it’s a snapshot of Africa’s shifting defense alliances.

Somali President and U.S. AFRICOM Chief accelerate joint counterterrorism push, eye decisive blow to Al-Shabaab insurgency.

The war against Al-Shabaab is entering a new, sharper phase—and the U.S. is doubling down. In a high-level meeting held in Mogadishu, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and General Michael E. Langley, head of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), sealed what insiders are calling a renewed strategic combat pact to fast-track the elimination of Somalia’s deadliest insurgency.

With airstrikes intensifying and Somali ground operations expanding, the timing of this visit signals urgency. President Hassan emphasized that Somalia cannot afford to move at a bureaucratic pace. “Acceleration” is the new doctrine—faster raids, faster intelligence flow, and faster liberation of Al-Shabaab-held zones.

Meanwhile, behind closed doors, Somalia’s Defense Minister Ahmed Fiqi, Army Chief Gen. Odawaa Yusuf Raage, and U.S. Ambassador Richard H. Riley convened with AFRICOM officials to map out a fresh joint blueprint. The objective: dismantle both Al-Shabaab and ISIS factions before they mutate into another regional menace like Boko Haram.

From air support to on-the-ground coordination, AFRICOM’s role is becoming more embedded. Sources close to the talks confirmed an emphasis on real-time intelligence sharing, advanced military training, and high-impact strikes aimed at crippling the terror group’s leadership and logistics.

Minister Fiqi, in his address, openly praised the U.S. for its crucial role in restoring security and hope to war-torn communities, noting how U.S.-backed missions have re-liberated territory once considered lost.

But the stakes go beyond Somalia. With Ethiopia fragile, Sudan fractured, and Yemen in flux, the Horn of Africa risks slipping into a terrorist corridor. What Mogadishu and Washington are forging today could be the firewall tomorrow.

Bottom line: The U.S.-Somalia alliance is no longer advisory—it’s operational.
AFRICOM is not just watching Somalia’s war. It’s fighting it, shoulder to shoulder. The next 90 days will reveal whether this recalibrated campaign delivers the blow Al-Shabaab fears most: extinction.

Somalia on the Brink: African Forces Sound Alarm, Demand 8,000 More Troops.

The African peacekeeping mission in Somalia warns of imminent disaster, pleading for 8,000 more troops as Al-Shabaab regains strength and Mogadishu faces deadly threats.

Mogadishu Under Threat: African Peacekeepers Demand 8,000 More Troops to Stop Somalia’s Collapse

The warning could not be more stark:
Without immediate reinforcements, Somalia’s capital could fall to Al-Shabaab.

In an urgent statement issued after a high-level summit in Uganda, African Union peacekeeping commanders revealed that AUSSOM — the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia — is on the verge of collapse.

They urgently called for 8,000 more troops to plug widening security gaps, warning that Mogadishu and Jowhar are under imminent threat.

The situation turned even more desperate after Burundi, angered by diplomatic disputes with Somalia, announced its withdrawal of nearly 2,000 soldiers — roughly one-fifth of AUSSOM’s total manpower.

Sources confirm the fallout stems from Somalia’s rejection of Burundi’s troop proposal, citing concerns over equipment readiness.
Burundi, feeling disrespected after years of sacrifice, now pulls out — leaving Somalia dangerously exposed.

Al-Shabaab Resurges — and the World Watches

After being pushed back in 2022-2023, Al-Shabaab has stormed back, retaking key territories in Middle and Lower Shabelle.
Attacks on Somali leadership convoys have resumed — including a failed strike on President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in Mogadishu in March.

Without new reinforcements, commanders warn the “hard-earned gains” against Al-Qaeda’s Somali branch could vanish overnight.

The crisis grows even darker with AUSSOM and the former ATMIS mission facing a crushing $156 million funding shortfall — leaving peacekeepers underpaid, under-equipped, and increasingly demoralized.

The Final Line of Defense

If no action is taken, African officials say the consequences will be catastrophic:

Mogadishu under siege

Regional destabilization across the Horn of Africa

A new refugee exodus toward neighboring states and Europe

Renewed terrorist plotting against international targets

The world ignored Somalia in the 1990s. It is on the brink of doing so again — with far deadlier consequences this time.

Somalia’s own soldiers are assassinating their commanders, selling Somalia’s energy blocks to the highest bidder. Somalia now faces its most dangerous turning point since 1991. Al-Shabaab is raising flags in major towns while the Somali government sinks deeper into chaos, selling off resources and scapegoating enemies.

Is the capital next? 

Somalia isn’t slipping. It’s spiraling. The once fragile federal experiment is now visibly shattering—under the weight of incompetence, corruption, and political betrayal.

Mogadishu’s leadership, led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, is flailing at the helm. Al-Shabaab grows bolder by the day, releasing prisoners, raising flags, and walking through military bases unchallenged. In a horrifying echo of Afghanistan, Somalia’s own soldiers are assassinating their commanders, and U.S. diplomats are being evacuated. Even the president himself narrowly escaped an ambush. This is no longer counterinsurgency. This is collapse management.

Desperate for Western attention, Hassan Sheikh has chosen a tactic that reeks of neo-colonial pandering: selling Somalia’s energy blocks to the highest bidder, offering the country’s last resources to Trump-linked interests in the hope of buying security. His ambassador’s bizarre social media auction of Somalia’s oil was less diplomacy than a digital clearance sale of a broken state. The response? Silence in Washington. Chaos in the capital.

Meanwhile, Turkish boots are on Somali soil, drones fly overhead, and the African Union’s peacekeepers are now smeared as al-Shabaab sympathizers by Somali officials trying to dodge accountability. Puntland and Jubaland have already walked out of Hassan’s electoral circus. The remaining federal structure is now a skeleton of legitimacy—held together by the optics of registration drives and donor meetings.

And as al-Shabaab captures Aadan Yabaal—the president’s own hometown—Somalis wake up asking a question they hoped they’d never need to again: Can Mogadishu fall?

Somalia has failed at the elite level. Hassan’s government blames everyone—Egypt, Ethiopia, the AU, even UN diplomats—except itself. It ignores the internal rot, the patronage system, the militarized nepotism, and the utter lack of coherent national strategy.

The result? Al-Shabaab no longer hides. It governs. And the state no longer fights back. It tweets.

Quo vadis, Somalia?
Downward. Fast. Unless something radical, honest, and painfully overdue changes now.

Turkey is waging a silent conquest in Mogadishu—with troops, drones, and oil deals—and Somalia’s president has already sold the keys.

In the name of “counterterrorism,” Turkey just staged a geopolitical takeover in Mogadishu. Two military planes, 500 soldiers, and more to come. But this isn’t just about Al-Shabaab—this is about Erdogan turning Somalia into a Turkish satellite state, and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is rolling out the red carpet.

The Turkish military is no joke. It’s NATO’s second-largest army, hardened by decades of insurgency warfare, equipped with German tanks, U.S. fighters, and its own lethal drone fleet. Their F-16s fly low while Bayraktar TB2 drones hunt targets—perfect for the urban warfare creeping into Mogadishu’s night.

But what’s terrifying is not just the firepower—it’s the strategy. Turkey isn’t just fighting Al-Shabaab, it’s occupying political space, installing its own contractors, oil firms, and trainers across Somalia. Somalia’s president isn’t leading a resistance—he’s hosting an auction.

Why is Hassan Sheikh letting it happen?

Simple: Erdogan found his puppet. PM Hamza’s Las Anod stunt was smoke and mirrors—a distraction while Ankara’s warships dock, oil deals are signed, and the Somali army becomes a Turkish proxy.

This is the quiet conquest of Mogadishu. The West has pumped in $20 billion in aid over two decades—and what’s left? Al-Shabaab controls Mogadishu after dark. And now, Turkey controls it by day.

Turkish-trained female Somali commandos arrive in Mogadishu

The irony? While Trump talks business-first diplomacy, Erdogan is doing business with America’s enemies, grabbing oil fields in Somali territory that once belonged to U.S. firms. Turkish firms now guard U.S. diplomats in Somalia. Turkish warships circle the Red Sea. And Turkish drones rule the skies.

This isn’t a partnership. It’s a hostile takeover.

Somalia has been bought. Somaliland has been ignored. And if the U.S. doesn’t wake up, Erdogan’s Ottoman hustle will gut American influence from Africa to the Levant.

Time to name names. Time to cut ties. And time to back the real allies—those who don’t sell their sovereignty for drones and flags.