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Irro in Doha: How Somaliland’s Silent General Just Outplayed the World
President Irro’s Qatar Visit Reshapes the Horn — Strategic Talks, Investment Wins, and the End of Mogadishu’s Monopoly on Diplomacy.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro has returned to Somaliland following a historic and high-impact diplomatic visit to the State of Qatar. Far from ceremonial, the visit marks a decisive shift in regional geopolitics and a significant blow to Somalia’s long-standing attempt to monopolize international recognition in the Horn of Africa.
This invitation—extended directly by Qatari leadership—is more than symbolic. It represents an informal, yet powerful, acknowledgement of Somaliland’s political maturity and strategic importance. Qatar, once considered an ally of Somali federalism, has now opened direct channels with Hargeisa, signaling a quiet but profound recalibration of its regional policy.
Diplomatic Precision and Strategic Messaging
President Irro Breaks the Gulf Wall: Qatar Embraces the Horn’s Rising Power
At the heart of the visit was a critical meeting between President Irro and Dr. Mohammed bin Abdulaziz Al-Khulaifi, Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. In that exchange, Irro reaffirmed Somaliland’s identity: a self-governing, peaceful, and independent state with 34 years of de facto stability.
That Qatar entertained this message directly—without Mogadishu’s mediation—signals a tectonic shift. For the first time, a Gulf heavyweight is engaging Somaliland not as a peripheral actor, but as a legitimate diplomatic interlocutor. It’s a quiet rebuke of the old status quo, where Hargeisa was expected to defer while Mogadishu claimed the spotlight.
Economic Wins and Investment Promises
Somaliland Secures Key Diplomatic and Development Wins During President Irro’s Qatar Visit
Substance followed symbolism. In talks with Qatar’s Minister of Foreign Trade, Dr. Ahmed Mohamed Al-Sayed, President Irro pitched Somaliland’s economic potential—highlighting key sectors like livestock, agriculture, energy, and mineral resources. He positioned Somaliland as a trade gateway at the crossroads of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, emphasizing its logistical value to global commerce.
Discussions with the Qatar Development Fund (QDF) outlined plans for collaboration in education, health, and infrastructure—focusing on youth employment and small industries. Qatar Charity’s commitment to double its operations in Somaliland further solidified the country’s reputation as a trusted, stable partner for humanitarian and development work.
The Bigger Game: Qatar’s Strategic Shift
Qatar’s move is calculated, not charitable. With growing geopolitical competition in the Horn of Africa, Doha is now betting on engagement, not exclusion. Building ties with Somaliland boosts its regional footprint and signals a willingness to work directly with stable actors, regardless of international recognition politics.
For Somaliland, this moment is a breakthrough. President Irro’s visit didn’t just secure aid or trade deals—it shifted the narrative. It broke the diplomatic glass ceiling and demonstrated that Somaliland is not just ready for international recognition—it is already practicing it.
A New Chapter in Horn Diplomacy
President Irro’s visit must be seen as a milestone. The diplomatic, economic, and political implications are immense. By quietly outmaneuvering the old playbook, Somaliland has opened the door to deeper global engagement, and closed the chapter on Mogadishu’s diplomatic exclusivity.
Senegal reclaims full military sovereignty as France formally shutters its last base in Dakar after six decades of post-colonial presence.
After 60 years, France ends its military presence in Senegal, marking a historic shift in West Africa’s post-colonial landscape. The move signals Dakar’s renewed sovereignty and a changing model of Franco-African security partnerships.
In a moment loaded with symbolism and power, France’s long military shadow over Senegal has finally been lifted. The final tricolour lowered, Camp Geille returned to Dakar, and the once-dominant French Forces in Senegal are no more. This isn’t just the shuttering of a base—it’s the quiet exodus of a former empire from one of its last strongholds in West Africa.
For decades, France’s military presence in Senegal served as both a strategic asset and an uncomfortable reminder of colonial muscle. Now, General Mbaye Cissé’s insistence on a partnership “founded on mutual respect and sovereignty” sends a clear message: Senegal no longer needs a foreign guardian to police its affairs.
Make no mistake—this is part of a broader regional awakening. From Mali to Burkina Faso and Niger, a new era of military nationalism is reshaping the Sahel. France, once the undisputed gendarme of Francophone Africa, is rapidly losing ground. Even loyal partners like Senegal are redrawing the terms of engagement.
Unlike the abrupt and chaotic French exits in Mali or Niger, Senegal’s process was orderly—an elegant divorce after years of quiet negotiations. Yet the substance is the same: Paris no longer sets the rules.
The Ouakam ceremony was cloaked in diplomacy, but behind the protocol lies a deeper reckoning. Africa’s youth, its soldiers, and its civil societies are demanding accountability—both from local elites and from former colonial patrons. The days of paternalistic deployments in the name of “stability” are over.
France says this is a “new chapter.” Maybe. But it reads more like a final footnote to an old book that Africa no longer wants to reread.
Senegal’s next challenge? Proving that it can secure its shores, train its troops, and write its own future—without outside tutelage.
And for France? Accepting that influence, once guaranteed by boots on the ground, must now be earned through respect.
Berlin deports Somali criminals amid rising far-right pressure, triggering fear and fury in Europe’s largest Somali diaspora.
Germany has deported eight Somali nationals convicted of violent crimes as Berlin toughens migration policy post-election. Is this justice—or the start of a racist purge?
Eight Somali men landed in Mogadishu last week, not by choice—but by force. Deported from Germany under a hardline crackdown, they are the first wave of what could become a sweeping purge of Somali migrants across Europe’s new far-right frontier.
Their crimes were serious—attempted murder, rape, manslaughter—but the political message behind the deportations is even more brutal: Germany is shifting, and fast. With the far-right AfD surging to second place in the 2025 elections and the Christian Democrats reclaiming power under Friedrich Merz, the age of tolerance is officially over.
Bavarian officials say this is about law and order. But Somali families in Frankfurt, Berlin, and Munich are terrified. The deportation agreement signed last year between Chancellor Scholz and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was supposed to be narrow—just 20 convicts, not a signal to demonize 65,000 Somali migrants.
But Germany’s political tide doesn’t wait. The February elections shattered the liberal consensus. Border controls are back. Deportation flights are rising. And Somalia is caught in the middle—diplomatically accepting criminals back while watching its working diaspora get scapegoated.
The real heartbreak? Many Somalis in Germany are model residents: students, engineers, nurses. But one man’s crime has now become the community’s stain. As one migrant, Baaba Jeey, put it: “We came for safety. Now we live in fear.”
And don’t expect this to stop at Germany. Across Europe, far-right parties are demanding copycat deportations. France’s National Rally is already calling for Somali repatriations. Sweden is debating migrant DNA checks. Italy wants to reroute asylum seekers to warzones.
Germany’s move may be legal. But is it just? The world will be watching the next flight to Mogadishu—and wondering who’s really on trial.
Ayub Abdirizak can be found in many video clips online, including this one, uploaded to Facebook in June 2024Image: Gen.Ayub Abdirizak/Facebook
And he built his social media career in Germany, where he arrived in 2017 and remained for about seven years, operating under the radar of authorities while encouraging bloodshed back home.
“Take the guns and fight,” Ayub urges his followers in a video he posted in late 2022. Offering what he calls practical advice from personal experience, he tells fighters to climb tall buildings to spot enemies at a distance. “Shoot any person on the highway once you see they are wearing a military uniform,” he says. And it’s not just the military who is the enemy in this scenario, Ayub tells his audience: People who refuse to let them enter buildings to take their rooftop positions should be “shot on the forehead” and left with a “bullet mark on his face.”
As now uncovered by DW’s investigative team in collaboration with the German public broadcaster ARD, German authorities eventually took notice of Ayub’s efforts at incitement. We set out to trace his path — and study the destructive influence he wields. The investigation also examined the reach of another war influencer who continues to use Germany as a haven to call for violence back in Somalia.
A violent path
Somalia has grappled with armed conflict and volatile politics for decades. With the federal government constantly fighting the militant Al-Shabab group for more than a decade, longer-running deep-rooted conflicts between the clans that dominate Somali society have complicated efforts to build national unity and institute effective governance. Amid such instability, several Somali regions have forged their own political paths.
Ayub’s story is closely tied to the often-violent rivalry between two regions in northern Somalia. Puntland is governed by President Said Abdullahi Deni of the Majerteen clan, whom Ayub supports in his videos. Neighboring Somaliland declared independence in 1991, although the self-proclaimed republic failed to gain international recognition. Violence frequently erupts on the border between Puntland and Somaliland.
Ayub seems to take pride in detailing the violence of his youth in Somalia for his online followers. “I left my family when I was 13 years old and took a gun,” Ayub, who is now in his late 30s, says in a YouTube video. He tells viewers that he fought in more than 30 battles when he “used to be a clan militant.”
Several sources, including a contact close to the current Puntland administration, told DW and ARD that Ayub was among the hijackers who held ships and hostages for ransom during the peak years of piracy off the Horn of Africa. Two seamen on a ship that was under the control of pirates from March 2010 through December 2012 told us their captors included a man called Ayub, who was tall and slim and spoke with a deep, resonant voice.
Life in Germany
As DW and ARD were able to confirm, Ayub first entered Germany in 2017.
He applied for asylum, but his application was rejected in 2020. However, he was allowed to stay as a “tolerated” refugee, a status that comes with fewer rights than recognized asylum.
According to his Facebook page, Ayub lived in Hamburg. Several short TikTok clips posted in 2022 show him in the city and elsewhere in northern Germany with friends.
But events would soon draw him back to Somalia.
On February 6, 2023, violence erupted in Las Anod, the capital of the Sool region. The dominant Dhulbahante clan, which has long sought to separate from Somaliland, seems to have the backing of the Puntland regional administration in its efforts.
Hundreds of people were killed in the initial clashes; hundreds of thousands more were displaced.
As a tolerated foreign national, Ayub was not officially permitted to travel freely. However, in November 2023, he posted a clip of a trip to Somalia, where he was greeted and cheered by supporters. One video, published on November 10, 2023, features Ayub alongside a group of fighters, sitting on a military vehicle and firing a Russian-developed anti-aircraft cannon.
In fact, research by ARD and DW found that Ayub made at least one round trip to Somalia while residing in Germany. The last video showing him in Germany was uploaded to his TikTok in July 2024. He is seen walking in fatigues past the town hall of Neubrandenburg in the northeasternmost state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.
In late 2024, Ayub left Germany and returned to Somalia. DW and ARD were able to confirm that he has since joined the Puntland Defense Force.
Another voice of hate from Germany
At least one other Somali war influencer continues to incite hatred from within Germany. Yacqwub Siyaad preaches violence to more than half a million followers on Facebook and about 230,000 on TikTok.
In several videos posted in 2023, Yacqwub, who shares Ayub’s cause, encourages his followers to attack their opponents: “Shell them day and night and then at last overrun their camp, cut off their heads.”
In another, he says: “These pigs are mine. I will drive them out of their holes and dance on their corpses.” He calls on viewers to “go to war” and “slaughter the enemy.” Being wounded or even killed, he claims, “is happiness.”
Yacqwub openly expresses his homophobia: “Kill those creatures. Remove them from society. Flog them.”
Confirmed by DW and ARD’s research, Yacqwub resides near Düsseldorf. He openly expresses hostility toward Germany. In a TikTok video, he says he lives “among infidels in the country of infidels.”
Like Ayub, Yacqwub has traveled to Somalia since moving to Germany. In the summer of 2023, a few months into the Las Anod conflict, he shared a picture of himself wearing a uniform alongside armed fighters. Another image shows him holding an AK-47. And, in a video clip, he is meeting a group of combatants, likely in one of the region’s desert areas.
Currently, he is back in Germany. Returning to Somalia does not appear to be a viable option for Yacqwub — he would risk being arrested upon arrival. In January 2025, a Puntland military court sentenced him in absentia to 10 years in prison on charges of using his YouTube channel to spread disinformation. The circumstances that led to this verdict are unclear.
Influencers’ ‘information warfare’
Influencers from abroad play a “very destructive role” in Somalia and have a “major impact” on the situation, said Moustafa Ahmad, a security analyst based in Somaliland. He describes their online activity as “information warfare.”
In addition to spreading hate messages, Yacqwub uses his social media platforms to raise money within the Somali diaspora. He calls on his female followers to “sell your gold and donate the money.”
Jamal Osman, a Somali journalist working for international media, said war influencers had sometimes raised tens of thousands of euros within an hour — money that “is often used to buy weapons.”
Osman describes Ayub as charismatic: “He knows what buttons to press to provoke people into action.”
Well-connected in Germany
The influencers are known in the Somali community in Germany. DW and ARD talked to one Somali who has been living in Germany for several years and has been monitoring Ayub’s and Yacqwub’s social media activities for a long time. He said there was a simple reason why they can post virtually anything they want without fear of the authorities: “They speak Somali — and hardly anyone understands it.” He said anyone who did would still be unlikely to report the influencers. “Most people are afraid of them”.
Their fame has even made Ayub and Yacqwub sought-after interlocutors within the Somali diaspora, where they are seen by some as effective at attracting attention to causes and mobilizing support.
During his time in Germany, Ayub appears to have maintained a good relationship with Mohamed Abdulahi, the chairman of the nonprofit Somali-European Cooperation e.V. (SEKO). In a video, Abdulahi expresses his deep appreciation for Ayub’s contributions to the organization’s success. “I salute you, Kaptan Ayub,” Abdulahi says. “Thank you so very much.” In another clip, published in 2022, Abdulahi is talking to both Ayub and Yacqwub, sitting right between them. When introducing Ayub, Abdulahi refers to him as a “role model who plays a major role to assist the Somali people.”
ARD and DW presented Abdulahi with several examples of the influencers’ efforts at incitement. He admitted the content was “brutal” and “not good,” and that this needed to be investigated and condemned. He said, however, that he was “not the one to judge” and that one must also take into account that these statements were made in the context of war, where there are always different sides and perspectives. He said repeatedly that he had not seen those videos before.
Abdulahi called his relationship with Ayub “friendship” and said, “You can just work really well with him.” He said SEKO had approached Ayub and Yacqwub in the past to “ask them for support in reaching people so they can make an announcement for us.”
When asked whether he could imagine asking for their support in the future, Abdulahi was evasive. After repeated questioning, he acknowledged that, having watched the videos, it “is not good to keep receiving support from them.”
Source; Esther Felden | Mariel Müller
By DW and German public broadcaster ARD found.
Israel’s Mossad has escalated its psychological warfare campaign against the Iranian regime, claiming to know the identity of Tehran’s newly appointed top war commander—an individual whose name Iranian authorities refuse to reveal, citing security concerns.
In a pointed message Tuesday on its Persian-language X (formerly Twitter) account, the intelligence service wrote:
“We know exactly who he is and know him well. Unfortunately, such basic information is hidden from the Iranian people. Please send us your guesses about his name.”
The tweet directly referenced a Tasnim News Agency report earlier the same day, which stated that the identity of the new commander of Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters would remain classified due to the assassinations of the last two commanders—believed to have been carried out by Israeli airstrikes.
The Shadow Commander No One Can Name
Iranian state media has offered no name, no photo, and no details about the man who now controls one of the most critical command posts in Iran’s military hierarchy. This comes just weeks after Maj.-Gen. Ali Shadmani, the last commander of Khatam al-Anbiya, was killed alongside another top IRGC official in a suspected Israeli strike.
Mossad’s taunt throws a spotlight on what critics call a widening gap between the regime and its people. While Iranian officials keep the public in the dark “for security,” Israel’s intelligence service claims to have penetrated the veil of secrecy with ease—and is flaunting it.
Psychological Ops in the Digital Age
The tweet is part of a broader Farsi-language influence campaign launched by the Mossad in recent weeks. Previous posts have:
Mocked senior Iranian officials for secretly following the account.
Offered VPN guidance to Iranian users.
Warned users not to engage with the account to avoid surveillance by Iranian intelligence.
The tone is provocative, taunting, and at times deeply personal—clearly aimed at undermining the regime’s credibility and creating friction between its leadership and the public.
A Direct Hit at Khamenei’s Narrative
Earlier in the day, the same account claimed that Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei had “surrendered” and approved backchannel negotiations with both the United States and Israel—a dramatic departure from his usual hardline stance. Mossad described this as “the beginning of the end of the Islamic Republic” and declared: “The countdown has begun.”
Khamenei, 86, last appeared on state TV on June 26, insisting that Iran would “never surrender.” The contrast between his public defiance and Mossad’s claims of secret negotiations is clearly part of the information war playing out online.
Behind the Curtain of a Secret War
The Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters is the nerve center of Iran’s strategic military planning. Its leadership is critical, particularly amid the aftermath of joint Israeli-American strikes that hit multiple Iranian nuclear and military targets last month.
That Iran now feels compelled to hide the identity of its top commander speaks volumes about its internal vulnerabilities. That Mossad is using this secrecy as a digital weapon shows how modern intelligence wars are being fought—not just with drones and missiles, but with tweets and narrative control.
Bottom Line
Mossad’s message is clear: “We see you.” Tehran’s refusal to name its war commander only adds weight to Israel’s campaign to frame the Islamic Republic as crumbling, paranoid, and penetrable. For the Iranian public—many of whom rely on VPNs and encrypted apps to access uncensored information—the battle for truth and trust has moved online.
Whether this campaign will shift public opinion or further destabilize Iran’s internal power structure remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: the war for hearts and minds inside Iran is fully underway.
In a remarkable example of persistence and the unique power of social media, serial entrepreneur Nikita Bier has officially been named Head of Product at X (formerly Twitter). Bier shared the news directly on X, alongside the platform’s owner, Elon Musk:
“Ladies and gentlemen, I’ve officially posted my way to the top: I’m joining @X as Head of Product. I already spend every waking hour on this app, and now I’ll be spending that time helping others unlock that same value.” — Nikita Bier (@nikitabier), June 30, 2025
Musk warmly replied, “Welcome to X!” signaling approval of Bier’s unconventional and ambitious approach.
A Vision Three Years in the Making
Bier’s journey began long before this week’s big announcement. Back in April 2022, shortly after Musk acquired Twitter, Bier publicly posted:
“@elonmusk Hire me to run Twitter as VP of Product.” He went further, outlining how the platform could evolve into a premier hub for messaging, group interactions, and content creation.
Upon securing the role this past Monday, Bier revisited that original plea from 2022, adding simply, “Never give up.” His experience showcases the tangible power of perseverance and public advocacy in today’s digital world.
Entrepreneurial Journey: From tbh to Gas to X
Bier’s entrepreneurial spirit is well-documented through a series of startups and product management roles:
tbh (2017): Bier co-founded this anonymous polling app targeted at teenagers, which Facebook acquired shortly after its launch but ultimately shut down in 2018 due to low usage.
Gas (2022): Another teen-focused polling app emphasizing positivity, acquired by Discord in January 2023 but discontinued by November of the same year.
Meta Experience (2017–2021): Between startups, Bier sharpened his expertise serving as a Product Manager at Facebook.
Serial Poster Turned Product Chief
With over half a million followers on X, Bier’s frequent, engaging posts have positioned him as an influencer and informal advisor to Musk. Known for his humorous yet insightful commentary on platform developments, Bier once jokingly offered Musk $100 to revert X’s changes made post-acquisition.
As Bier now steps into the role of X’s product chief, he brings with him the passion and energy that made him a beloved figure on the platform. His rise to leadership serves as an inspiring case study of how creativity, persistence, and engagement can turn social media presence into real-world opportunities. Bier’s story illustrates the evolving landscape of career advancement in the digital age—where a single post can be a stepping stone to the top.
President Irro’s tour of Doraleh Terminal and talks with Djibouti Ports Authority mark turning point for regional trade and infrastructure cooperation.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro of Somaliland, accompanied by key members of his delegation, was welcomed on Thursday by Mr. Aboubaker Omar Hadi, Chairman of the Djibouti Ports and Free Zones Authority (APZFD), for a high-level meeting at Red Sea World—the heart of Djibouti’s maritime power.
The encounter signaled a pivotal advancement in regional port integration, with both sides eyeing a new era of joint infrastructure development, cross-border logistics optimization, and maritime economic cooperation.
Joining the meeting were Djiboutian Cabinet heavyweights Hassan Houmad Ibrahim, Minister of Infrastructure and Equipment, and Radwan Abdillahi Bahdon, Minister of Communications, along with senior executives from APZFD. The discussions focused on reviving strategic port projects in Somaliland—particularly Zeyla, Toqoshi, and Bullaxar—and aligning them with Djibouti’s world-class logistics network.
In a powerful symbol of connectivity and vision, President Irro and his delegation toured the Doraleh Container Terminal (SGTD), regarded as one of Africa’s most technologically advanced seaports. There, they witnessed firsthand the high-efficiency operations, cutting-edge handling systems, and seamless maritime-land integration that have made SGTD a linchpin in Red Sea trade.
SGTD officials showcased Djibouti’s port infrastructure and its capacity to serve as a critical hub not only for East Africa but for the wider global shipping community. The visit sparked conversations around harmonizing port standards and building shared logistics corridors that can turbocharge Somaliland’s emerging trade potential.
This landmark engagement positions Somaliland as a serious regional partner in the Horn of Africa’s rising maritime economy. This cooperative momentum between Djibouti and Somaliland could reshape supply chains and create a new axis of economic power in East Africa.
President Irro’s visit to Djibouti’s port authority is not just diplomatic—it’s transformational. It reflects his administration’s commitment to leveraging infrastructure for economic independence, forging practical partnerships, and placing Somaliland at the core of regional integration.
As talks progress on shared port development and streamlined trade routes, one thing is clear: Djibouti and Somaliland are rewriting the map of African logistics—together.
Commentary
Djibouti and Somaliland Reignite Historic Brotherhood with President Irro’s Landmark Visit
President Irro and President Guelleh launch high-level talks as Djibouti’s top officials hail “unbreakable ties” and open doors to deeper strategic, trade, and security cooperation. President Irro’s Visit to Djibouti Gains Momentum as Top Djiboutian Minister Issues Warm Welcome.
Somaliland’s President Irro lands in Djibouti for a milestone visit to strengthen bilateral ties with President Guelleh. Warm welcome from Djibouti’s Minister of Economy signals new chapter in regional diplomacy and unity.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro of the Republic of Somaliland has arrived in Djibouti for a three-day working visit at the invitation of President Ismail Omar Guelleh. The visit signals a strategic reset between the two Horn of Africa neighbors—twin nations divided by borders, but bound by history, culture, and economic fate.
The bilateral meeting comes at a crucial moment in regional geopolitics, with heightened competition among global powers for influence in the Red Sea corridor. For Somaliland, this marks President Irro’s most important diplomatic outreach since taking office—an effort to position Somaliland as a strategic partner in Africa’s most contested maritime theatre.
“Djibouti and Somaliland are two branches of the same tree,” declared Ilyas M. Dawaleh, Djibouti’s influential Minister of Economy and Finance in charge of Industry, and Secretary General of the ruling RPP party, in a welcoming post on X. “Brothers and sisters, God created us, and we will always be”
Ilyas Moussa Dawaleh
Minister of Economy and Finance, Republic of Djibouti
Dawaleh’s statement is more than sentiment—it’s a clear signal that Djibouti is ready to engage Somaliland as a legitimate regional stakeholder. Analysts say the emotional warmth combined with economic intent could usher in new agreements on trade, port logistics, infrastructure cooperation, and cross-border security.
The talks are expected to cover a wide range of strategic issues, including enhanced trade routes between Berbera and Djibouti, counterterrorism collaboration, and joint infrastructure projects that could serve both nations’ economic ambitions.
President Irro’s delegation includes senior ministers and top advisers, reflecting the weight Hargeisa places on this diplomatic overture. After years of fluctuating relations and muted engagement, Irro’s direct dialogue with Guelleh is being viewed as a breakthrough—particularly as Somaliland pursues broader international recognition.
The visit also plays well into Djibouti’s long-term regional calculus. Surrounded by an increasingly unstable Horn, Djibouti benefits from closer cooperation with a functioning, peaceful neighbor like Somaliland. The potential for shared port logistics, transit corridors, and coordinated maritime security is too great to ignore—especially with Gulf powers, China, and the United States expanding their stakes in the region.
For Somaliland, the trip is equally symbolic and pragmatic. It presents an opportunity to show the world—and particularly the African continent—that Somaliland is not isolated, but actively engaged in regional diplomacy and cooperation.
As President Irro and President Guelleh prepare for closed-door talks, the message is clear: the Horn of Africa has room for homegrown partnerships rooted in mutual respect and regional solidarity. For Djibouti and Somaliland, this visit could mark the beginning of a renewed alliance, driven not by global agendas—but by the undeniable bond of shared destiny.
As U.S. forces exit Niger, Washington turns to Abidjan to counter jihadist threats, Russian and Chinese influence, and protect strategic Sahel corridors.
With its drone wings clipped in Niger and the Sahel in freefall, the United States is recalibrating its military strategy in West Africa — and Côte d’Ivoire is now the cornerstone. The two nations are in advanced discussions to establish a U.S. drone base, marking a seismic shift in regional defense architecture amid rising threats from jihadist insurgents and geopolitical adversaries.
The potential base, likely in proximity to Mali and Burkina Faso’s porous borders, would serve as a launchpad for surveillance, counterterrorism strikes, and strategic deterrence. It also sends a blunt message: the U.S. is not surrendering West Africa to Russian mercenaries or Chinese contractors.
General Michael Langley, AFRICOM’s top brass, made the intent clear during his April 2025 visit to Côte d’Ivoire.
General Langley and U.S. Ambassador Jessica Davis Ba held meetings with Ivorian Minister of Defence Téné Birahima Ouattara and Chief of Defence Staff Lt. Gen. Lassina Doumbia.
His presence at Flintlock 2025, the continent’s elite multinational war game, was more than symbolic — it was the clearest signal yet that Abidjan is Washington’s new security partner of choice.
With over 500 special forces operatives from 38 countries converging in Jacqueville, Côte d’Ivoire showcased not only its rising military sophistication but its ambition to lead the Sahel’s security reset. Unlike the fractured regimes in Bamako or Ouagadougou, Abidjan offers a stable platform and reliable governance — rare currency in today’s West Africa.
This pivot is strategic, not just tactical. As Russia tightens its grip on juntas in Mali and Burkina Faso through Wagner-linked proxies, and as China quietly dominates infrastructure and port access, the U.S. is racing to secure its own influence corridor from the Gulf of Guinea northward. A drone base is the centerpiece of that chessboard.
Discussions remain fluid. No final site has been selected, but U.S. officials have floated the idea of leveraging existing Ivorian military facilities — a cost-efficient alternative to building from scratch. Jacqueville and areas near Odienné are being eyed, especially for their proximity to jihadist flashpoints.
The stakes? Enormous.
With terrorist networks metastasizing across the Sahel and maritime piracy returning in the Gulf of Guinea, the U.S. cannot afford to be blind or absent in this region. Côte d’Ivoire, a democracy with a functioning military, is offering exactly what Washington needs: access, stability, and shared security priorities.
For now, Abidjan is emerging as America’s new eye in the sky — and possibly, its last real chance to hold ground in a rapidly shifting West African battlefield.
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