China Tests Hypersonic Jet Aiming to Circle the Globe in Seven Hours.

China’s aviation ambitions are accelerating at extraordinary speed. The country is developing a hypersonic jet capable of flying at Mach 16 — fast enough to circle the planet in just seven hours — in what could become one of the most dramatic leaps in commercial air travel since the dawn of the jet age.

The aircraft, designed by Beijing-based Lingkong Tianxing, is moving from concept toward reality. The company has already completed successful test flights of its Yunxing prototype at Mach 4, roughly 3,070 mph. Engineers are now conducting advanced trials on a new-generation engine designed to push the aircraft into true hypersonic territory.

If the program advances as planned, long-haul routes would be transformed. A journey such as London to New York — currently an eight-hour transatlantic flight — could be reduced to about 90 minutes, surpassing even the Concorde’s fastest record of under three hours.

Lingkong Tianxing confirmed that its Yunxing demonstrator flew successfully in October, with additional propulsion tests scheduled throughout November. Each step marks incremental progress toward a maiden hypersonic flight, which the company hopes to achieve within the next decade.

A legacy of speed: from Concorde to the hypersonic race

The promise of ultra-fast civilian travel revives a dream that captivated the world half a century ago. The Concorde, operated by British Airways and Air France, was the first and only supersonic passenger jet to enter commercial service.

Flying at Mach 2, it cut transatlantic travel times in half and embodied the pinnacle of Cold War–era aerospace engineering.

But the Concorde also revealed the limits of early supersonic travel. Operating costs were immense, its fuel burn was high, and its sonic booms sharply restricted where it could fly. A deadly crash in 2000, followed by surging fuel prices and weakened demand after 9/11, led to the aircraft’s retirement in 2003.

In the years since, the industry’s push toward supersonic and hypersonic travel has periodically faded and re-emerged. Today, advances in materials science, engine design, and computational aerodynamics have reignited optimism that the next generation of ultra-fast flight may succeed where the Concorde could not.

A global race to the next frontier

China is not alone in the race. Designers such as Oscar Viñals have proposed aircraft capable of exceeding Mach 5. NASA’s X-59 program is experimenting with technologies to dramatically reduce sonic booms.

American firms like Venus Aerospace envision jets that could complete transatlantic routes in under an hour. Meanwhile, Chinese companies like Cormac are working on supersonic aircraft quieter than a car at Mach 1.

But among the many contenders, Lingkong Tianxing’s hypersonic Yunxing project is the most audacious — and the most advanced in real-world testing.

Whether the jet ultimately reaches its proposed Mach-16 capability remains an open question. The technological and regulatory challenges are enormous. Yet the company’s rapid progress signals that a new era of extreme-speed passenger flight may no longer be a distant fantasy.

For now, the Yunxing program stands at the forefront of a high-stakes, global technological race — one that could redefine both military and civilian aviation and fundamentally reshape how the world moves.

Saudi Arabia’s decision to allow foreign nationals to purchase real estate beginning in January 2026 marks one of the most consequential shifts in the Kingdom’s economic strategy in decades, signaling a deeper turn toward global investment and the structural ambitions of Vision 2030.

The policy, which will open designated zones in Riyadh, Jeddah, NEOM and other major development corridors to expatriates and international buyers, represents a calibrated move toward economic liberalization in a country historically defined by strict ownership rules. Properties in Makkah and Madinah will remain governed by special regulations.

Under the government’s timeline, the new law is set to take effect in early 2026, with detailed regulations to be released within six months on the “Istitaa” digital platform. Officials say this window is intended to provide clarity to investors, developers, and financial institutions preparing for what is expected to become one of the world’s largest emerging real estate markets.

The policy aligns with a broader effort to reduce Saudi Arabia’s dependence on oil by drawing long-term foreign capital into the country’s infrastructure and housing sectors.

Property ownership, Saudi officials argue, encourages expatriates to transition from temporary workers to invested residents — deepening the professional class required for expanding industries such as finance, technology, and advanced manufacturing.

A central driver of the reform is the need to attract private investment into the Kingdom’s mega-projects, including NEOM, the Red Sea development, and the rapid transformation of Riyadh.

Opening real estate to foreign ownership converts a previously limited market into a globally tradable asset class, offering new revenue streams for banks, developers, and state-backed projects.

The approach parallels elements of Dubai’s economic model, which ignited a real estate boom when it opened specific zones to international buyers in 2002. Saudi Arabia’s strategy mirrors that playbook: liberalize selectively, preserve sensitive areas, and allow major urban centers to absorb and shape global demand.

The scale, however, is dramatically larger; some economists estimate the long-term potential of Saudi Arabia’s property market at more than $15 trillion.

Still, questions remain. The full impact will hinge on the specifics of the forthcoming regulations — including ownership limits, financing rules, zoning boundaries, and taxes.

The clarity and predictability of these rules will determine whether Riyadh and Jeddah emerge as major global real estate hubs or advance more cautiously as regional centers of investment.

For international executives, asset managers, and institutional investors, the new policy is a signal to begin preparing.

The Kingdom’s real estate sector is transitioning from a protected domestic market to an international investment landscape, introducing opportunities for construction firms, financial institutions, private equity, and residential developers.

Saudi Arabia’s long-term bet is clear: foreign ownership will accelerate economic diversification, draw global talent, and bind international capital to the success of Vision 2030. As the Kingdom continues its rapid transformation, the opening of the property market is poised to become one of the most influential economic reforms of the decade.

The Collapse of a Mirage: Donor Fatigue Exposes Somalia’s Fake Economy.

The illusion of Mogadishu’s “economic progress” has finally cracked. Somalia’s finance minister has admitted what diplomats have long whispered: without foreign donors, the so-called federal government cannot even fund itself.

For years, Somalia’s officials sold the world a narrative of recovery — polished PowerPoints, aid conferences in Brussels, and endless speeches about “digital transformation.” But the mask is off. The 2025 growth forecast has collapsed from 4 percent to barely 1 percent, a free fall that exposes a truth Somalilanders have known all along: the federal state survives not on governance, but on grants, gimmicks, and global sympathy.

Finance Minister Bihi Iman Egeh told CNBC Arabia that the crash comes after a steep drop in donor aid. In plain words, Somalia’s economy is an empty shell built on handouts. The country’s entire budget — from roads to salaries — depends on the goodwill of foreign governments who are now turning away.

Decades after the war, Mogadishu has not learned to stand. Every ministry depends on an NGO; every project depends on another foreign grant. When donors walk, Somalia falls.

The E-Visa Scandal: A Government That Can’t Guard Its Own Data

The collapse of the federal e-visa system, hacked and humiliated before the world, was not an accident — it was a symptom of a failed state pretending to be digital.

More than 35,000 travelers’ data were leaked, including names, photos, and addresses, while Mogadishu stayed silent for days.
Washington warned citizens directly, bypassing Somalia’s own institutions — a diplomatic slap that said it all: even the U.S. doesn’t trust the system.

And yet, this is the same federal government that tried to block Somaliland’s airspace, disrupt regional travel, and impose illegal digital systems across territories it doesn’t control. The breach turned the tables. The world now sees who is capable — and who is careless.

Donor Patience Has Run Out

Global partners have shifted priorities — Ukraine, Gaza, climate crises. Somalia is no longer the emotional project it once was.

Analysts say donors have grown tired of funding corruption disguised as reform. Billions have flowed into Mogadishu, yet poverty deepens, youth flee, and infrastructure barely exists.

As the flow of dollars dries up, Mogadishu’s officials panic, hiding behind slogans of modernization. The Finance Minister himself admitted domestic tax reforms increased revenue “from a very low base.” Translation: nothing significant.

Meanwhile in Hargeisa…

Across the Gulf of Aden, a different story unfolds. Somaliland — unrecognized but self-reliant — continues to run balanced budgets, secure borders, and deliver what Mogadishu only advertises: real governance.

Its coast guards train with Western partners. Its peace endures without a cent from foreign troops. Its institutions function without begging for debt forgiveness or donor pity.

While Mogadishu blames the world, Somaliland builds.
While Somalia collapses under fake federalism, Somaliland stands on fiscal discipline, national unity, and quiet competence — the very ingredients that donors wish Mogadishu had.

The Verdict

Somalia’s looming financial crash is not just an economic headline; it’s a moral one.
A country that refuses to govern itself cannot ask others to keep paying its bills.
And a government that spies, hacks, and fails at basic administration cannot claim to represent a region that has already moved on.

As 2025 begins, the difference is now undeniable:

A340s, 777s and Forged Papers: Inside the Plot to Replenish Iran’s Fleet.

A fresh sanctions-evasion pathway has opened from Africa to Tehran, aviation researchers and open-source investigators warn, after Malawian front companies began re-registering wide- and narrow-body jets bound for Iran.

The transfers mirror a larger, adaptive campaign by Mahan Air — an Iranian carrier long linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps — to rebuild long-haul capacity in the face of U.S. export controls.

A chronology of flights and registry entries reviewed by investigators shows Malawi-registered airframes appearing in Asia before small, clandestine movements toward Iran.

The pattern follows the July 2025 “Triple Seven” operation through Madagascar, in which five ex-Singapore Airlines Boeing 777-212ERs were routed through multiple countries using forged Malagasy registrations.

That scandal prompted arrests in Madagascar and the suspension of a civil-aviation official, but experts say Tehran’s logisticians quickly shifted tactics.

Between mid-2024 and mid-2025, Malawian shell operators acquired records for several aircraft types — including Boeing 737s, Airbus A320s and the four-engine Airbus A340-642 — that investigators say were refurbished in China and later prepared for clandestine transfer to Iran.

In at least three cases, jets sold for dismantling in 2022 were instead returned to service and painted with Malawian registration codes while stored at Taiyuan Wusu International Airport, according to satellite imagery and photographic evidence examined by open-source analysts.

The aircraft are valuable for reasons beyond passenger service. The A340-642, despite its age, uses Rolls-Royce Trent 556 engines whose spare-parts lines are more accessible to Iranian technicians than the primarily U.S.-made engines on more modern jets.

Investigators say that capability, combined with the A340’s range and cargo capacity, makes it an attractive platform for mixed passenger-freight missions that can support long-distance logistics — a capability Tehran has used for years.

Analysts say the Malawi shift exposes broader weaknesses in international aviation oversight. “Where one permissive registry is closed, another can appear,” said an aviation compliance expert who reviewed the materials.

Wealthier states and established registries have more robust end-user checks; smaller states with limited technical capacity and acute financing needs are often vulnerable to opaque transactions and political pressure, the expert added.

The U.S. response to the Madagascar affair — a coordinated probe by the FBI and sanctions on complicit actors — demonstrated that enforcement can work.

Washington and allies now face a fresh policy choice: replicate that model in Lilongwe and other jurisdictions, or watch Iran’s procurement networks adapt again.

The report urges Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, the State Department and international civil aviation authorities to press Malawi for transparency, suspend suspect air operator certificates and trace beneficial ownership of the shell companies involved.

If left unchecked, investigators warn, the incremental restoration of Iran’s long-range airlift would erode the effectiveness of export controls by adding capability one aircraft at a time — a slow-moving attrition of sanctions that would be difficult to reverse.

Africa’s development banks are entering a make-or-break moment. Behind closed doors in Washington, Paris and major investment houses, a quiet campaign is underway — one that could determine whether the continent keeps the financial tools it needs to fund its own growth, or remains trapped in a system where others set the rules and the price of money.

At the center of this dispute is preferred creditor status — a long-standing guarantee that multilateral development banks are repaid first when countries face distress.

Global institutions like the World Bank, IMF and regional lenders in Asia and Latin America rely on this protection. Their credibility, and their ability to lend cheaply during crises, depends on it.

But in recent months, powerful actors — from IMF officials to Paris Club negotiators and analysts at JP Morgan — have begun questioning whether African development banks deserve the same treatment.

Some claim the institutions are “too small.” Others argue that because they do not always offer concessional loans, their status should be reconsidered. A JP Morgan note even warned investors that African banks could lose the privilege altogether.

This is not a technical debate. It is a battle over who controls Africa’s access to affordable capital. And if the narrative goes unchallenged, it will justify the same high interest rates that have long punished African economies.

What sets African development banks apart is that their preferred creditor status is not an informal practice — it is international law. Treaties establishing Afreximbank, the African Development Bank and the Trade and Development Bank explicitly enshrine this status.

They are registered under the UN Charter and ratified domestically by member states. Ironically, the legal footing of African institutions is stronger than that of the IMF or World Bank. Yet it is Africa’s lenders that are cast as “uncertain.”

African governments must correct this perception, loudly and collectively. Finance ministers, central bank governors and the African Union should issue coordinated public affirmations making clear: the legal protections exist, they are enforceable, and they are backed by political will.

Meanwhile, Africa’s development banks — now holding more than $640 billion in assets — must speak with a unified voice.

Their success and rapid growth have sharpened resistance from rating agencies and commercial creditors. Silence allows outsiders to shape the narrative; coordinated action reclaims it.

Ultimately, this is not about protecting institutions. It is about protecting African financial sovereignty. If global perceptions dictate African creditworthiness, the continent will continue paying a penalty that other regions do not.

Reasserting preferred creditor status is therefore not technical housekeeping — it is a declaration that Africa has the right to finance its future on fair terms.

A fierce political feud is tearing through Iran’s ruling elite, exposing deep fractures within a regime long defined by unity in repression and control.

Analysts in Tehran are calling it a “war of wolves” — a brutal contest for survival among insiders as Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s grip weakens and his eventual succession looms ever closer.

The turmoil reached a public crescendo this week when Ali Larijani, a former parliament speaker and one of Khamenei’s most trusted lieutenants, issued a rare public appeal for restraint.

Writing on X, the social media platform banned for ordinary Iranians but routinely used by officials, Larijani warned that senior figures “still fail to grasp the sensitivity and gravity of the current situation,” urging them to “move beyond differences and strengthen national unity.”

For many Iranians, that call rang hollow. Citizens mocked the appeal, noting that the Islamic Republic has lived in “sensitive circumstances” since 1979, yet has never tolerated dissent or accountability.

Behind the public bickering lies a deeper, more dangerous struggle: the competition for wealth and influence in a crumbling, corrupt system.

Since the devastating Israeli air campaign in June 2025, which destroyed key elements of Iran’s nuclear and air defense infrastructure, Khamenei has largely vanished from public view.

His frail appearance and absence from major state functions have left Iran’s elite guessing who actually runs the country.

Former President Hassan Rouhani reignited tensions in July by criticizing the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) for wasting national resources on “inefficient” military programs.

The IRGC struck back, accusing Rouhani of cutting defense budgets and undermining national security during his presidency.

Rouhani went further, warning that Russia’s alliance with Tehran was “self-serving and unreliable,” a rare challenge to the Kremlin-friendly faction now dominant in Iran.

Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a former IRGC commander, lashed out at Rouhani and former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif for their remarks.

By early November, the feud had escalated to open confrontation: parliamentary spokesman Abbas Goudarzi urged the judiciary to prosecute Zarif for “anti-Russian statements” and “disturbing national unity.”

The IRGC-aligned hardliners have crushed Rouhani’s reformist bloc since 2020, seizing control of parliament through tightly managed elections. Yet their dominance has not brought cohesion.

Instead, competing factions within the conservative camp are now fighting over who will control Iran’s political and financial machinery once Khamenei — now 86 and visibly frail — is gone.

At the heart of the struggle lies Iran’s crony capitalist economy, which rewards loyalty over competence and has bred staggering corruption.

Most members of the political elite depend entirely on state contracts, monopolies, and subsidies — systems they built and now cling to for survival. “They have no skills to thrive in a free-market economy,” one Tehran economist said. “Without the regime, they lose everything.”

That fragility was laid bare by the collapse of Bank Ayandeh in October, a scandal that revealed decades of insider theft and mismanagement.

The Central Bank’s decision to absorb the institution rather than prosecute its operators provoked outrage — even among loyal conservatives. Seyyed Yasser Jebraily, a regime insider, admitted on X that “nearly one hundred billion dollars of the nation’s capital has been plundered” since 2018.

For many Iranians, this confirmed what they already believed: that corruption, not foreign sanctions, has impoverished the country.

Decades of cronyism have gutted Iran’s productive economy and concentrated power in the hands of a few families and security networks.

As uncertainty grows over Khamenei’s successor, those networks are turning on each other — looting what remains of the state before the system they built begins to devour itself.

When flashbangs lit up a quiet Dearborn street before dawn on Halloween, residents thought they were reliving an old nightmare.

The FBI shouted commands in Arabic as agents stormed a family home, detaining several young men. Hours later, FBI Director Kash Patel declared on X that agents had “thwarted a potential terrorist attack” in Michigan.

But days have passed without charges, evidence, or answers — and the community that woke up to sirens, helicopters, and suspicion says it has seen this movie before.

Dearborn, often dubbed “the heart of Arab America,” is home to the largest Arab population in the United States — and for many residents, the government’s handling of this case feels eerily familiar.

In the absence of indictments or details, speculation has rushed to fill the void, and once again an entire city finds itself on trial by perception.

“I don’t believe it,” said Ahmed, a neighbor who described the family in question as kind and quiet. “They’re good people. They help everyone.” Another resident, Laraib Irfan, said he saw FBI agents leading the family out with their hands behind their backs as stunned neighbors looked on. “We heard two loud bangs — it felt like bombs,” he said.

The FBI insists it prevented a “potential mass-casualty event,” citing encrypted online chats referencing “pumpkin day” and a shooting range visit involving legally registered firearms.

But defense attorneys say the claims are flimsy and premature. Amir Makled, representing one of the detainees, argues the so-called plot may have been nothing more than “online gamer chat that was misinterpreted.”

“We are confident that once the facts are reviewed objectively, it will be clear there was never any planned terror attack,” Makled said. “All firearms were legally obtained. This was not a terrorist cell — it was a family.”

So far, no federal charges have been filed, a delay that experts say either suggests a cautious prosecution or a weak case. “It makes me think the plot wasn’t as mature as they led people to believe,” said Colin Clarke, executive director of The Soufan Center. “If this were a credible ISIS-directed plot, there would be more to show.”

What has emerged instead is a deepening unease. Patel’s announcement triggered a wave of online hate, with commenters calling Dearborn “a sleeper cell” or “an Islamic hub for terror.” For a city that the FBI itself ranks as one of Michigan’s safest, such comments sting.

Dearborn’s residents say they are used to being the scapegoat — from airport watchlists to surveillance operations after 9/11, Arab and Muslim Americans have lived under an unshakable shadow of suspicion.

“This community is part of the American fabric,” Makled said. “But we’re tired of being treated like we’re guilty by default.”

The Michigan branch of the Council on American–Islamic Relations (CAIR) condemned the FBI’s lack of transparency, warning that the absence of charges while publicly touting a “foiled terror plot” risks fueling Islamophobia.

“People in the community are tired of this idea of collective guilt,” said Executive Director Dawud Walid. “Muslims in Dearborn don’t owe anyone an apology for the alleged actions of others.”

FBI officials have declined to clarify whether the suspects remain in custody or what specific threats prompted the raid. For now, Dearborn is left in limbo — a city that prides itself on safety and solidarity, thrust again into the national spotlight as a backdrop for a story it didn’t write.

Makled said his client’s mother “hasn’t stopped crying.” And for many in Dearborn, the emotional toll of once again being cast under suspicion feels heavier than any legal burden.

“If the director put out a statement prematurely,” Makled said, “he should apologize. That’s how you heal this community — not by treating it like a suspect, but like a partner.”

Whether the FBI caught a real threat or a misunderstanding will eventually come out in court. But for Arab Americans in Dearborn, the verdict they care about most isn’t legal — it’s social. After decades of loyalty, they’re still waiting for their government to trust them back.

As U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping prepare for their high-stakes summit in South Korea this week, Israeli legal scholar and reform advocate Adv. Shraga Biran has issued a moral challenge that goes far beyond trade or technology: a call for both leaders to sign what he calls the “death warrant for global terrorism.”

Biran — a 90-year-old lawyer, former partisan fighter, and founder of Israel’s Institute for Structural Reforms (ISR) — has sent formal letters to both Washington and Beijing, urging Trump and Xi to use their meeting to jointly declare war on terrorism and antisemitism.

“This is not diplomacy,” he says. “It is a moral and civilizational imperative.”

Biran’s message is built on a simple conviction: only the world’s two largest powers, representing more than half of global output, possess the authority and capacity to crush terrorism’s economic and ideological roots.

“The American eagle and the Chinese dragon can do it,” he says. “They carry not only power but responsibility.”

A Moral Blueprint for a Global Alliance

Biran’s new initiative, The Trump–Xi Summit Imperative, expands on his 2023 book Liberating Gaza and his forthcoming work When Eagle and Dragon Unite: A Global Alliance to Rebuild Gaza and Eradicate Terrorism Worldwide.

His argument is stark: local wars — whether in Gaza, Syria, or Ukraine — will continue to regenerate unless the world’s superpowers coordinate a global campaign to dismantle terrorism’s deeper ecosystem of poverty, fundamentalism, and manipulation.

“The fight against Hamas, ISIS, or al-Qaeda means nothing if their economic and ideological networks are left untouched,” Biran writes. “Terrorism is a cancer — cutting the tail is useless if the head survives.”

He envisions a U.S.–China–led international task force dedicated to “de-Hamasization and denazification in the style of 2025,” pairing economic reconstruction with coordinated intelligence and law enforcement operations.

His proposal calls for diverting one percent of global wealth — roughly $4.5 trillion — toward eradicating poverty in vulnerable regions, which he views as terrorism’s primary incubator. “This is not charity,” he insists, “it is enlightened self-interest.”

Parallels in Power and Principle

Biran argues that Trump and Xi, despite their ideological differences, already share the same moral vocabulary.

Trump’s condemnation of “jihadist terrorism and militant antisemitism,” and Xi’s pledge to combat the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism, and extremism, demonstrate a rare convergence. Both leaders, he says, “speak the same language of necessity.”

He also points to their nations’ moral histories: America’s post-9/11 campaign against extremism and China’s wartime refuge for 20,000 Jewish refugees during the Holocaust. “China is the only civilization where the word ‘antisemitism’ has no translation,” he notes.

A Warning from History

Drawing parallels to the 1930s, Biran warns that populist and nationalist movements — from the far-right to the pseudo-left — are reviving antisemitic and fascist ideologies under democratic guises. “Fascism no longer marches in uniform,” he cautions. “It hides behind slogans of freedom.”

The failure to act now, he says, would mark a moral collapse akin to Europe’s prewar paralysis. “If they miss this summit,” Biran writes, “humanity will have lost a historic moment.”

Toward a New Covenant

Biran’s appeal is already circulating in the United States, China, and the Arab world, with an Arabic edition of his new book published by Jordanian publisher Mohammad Alsharqawi.

It has been distributed in Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Lebanon, and Syria, signaling a rare cross-regional appetite for an economic path out of extremism.

“The enlightened world must unite against global terrorism and antisemitic terror,” Biran says. “History does not decide — people do. If Trump and Xi understand that, they can bring about the first true covenant of the new world.”