China’s reported development of a prototype extreme ultraviolet (EUV) lithography machine—a critical piece of technology long monopolized by Western firms—may have implications far beyond commercial competition in chips. Sources say that Chinese scientists, including former engineers from Dutch semiconductor equipment maker ASML, assembled a working EUV prototype capable of generating the extreme ultraviolet light needed to etch the tiny circuits used in advanced semiconductor manufacturing.

This marks a significant step toward Beijing’s goal of self-sufficiency in chip production and could reshape how China participates in the global AI and military competition.

Why EUV Matters for AI and Military Power

EUV lithography machines are essential for producing the most advanced chips that power artificial intelligence models, data centers, and high-performance computing—technologies increasingly central to AI-driven military systems and defense capabilities. These chips are a core enabler of autonomous systems, real-time battlefield decision-making, and advanced signal processing. Without access to EUV, a country is effectively shut out of producing the hardware foundations of cutting-edge AI.

For years, export controls by the United States and its allies have restricted China’s access to EUV machines and advanced AI chips precisely because of their dual-use nature—civilian but also critical for military systems. These controls are intended to slow China’s progress in military applications of AI and maintain Western technological superiority.

China’s first EUV prototype suggests it could circumvent some layers of that control, potentially accelerating its ability to internally produce high-end semiconductors that drive AI advances in both commercial and military domains. While the prototype is not yet producing chips, its ability to generate EUV light is a milestone that many analysts believed was years away.

The AI Arms Race and Global Military Balance

Advanced semiconductors are not a luxury—they are strategic military assets. In modern warfare, AI-enabled systems are proliferating rapidly: autonomous drones, sensor networks, real-time command and control, and predictive analytics all depend on advanced chips. As a result, the race for AI superiority overlaps directly with military competition between major powers. Observers often frame this competition as an “AI Cold War,” in which dominance in AI technology and hardware translates into battlefield advantage, deterrence capability, and geopolitical influence.

If China can develop and mass-produce its own advanced chips using domestic EUV technology, it could narrow the technology gap that has so far given the United States and its allies an edge in military AI applications. That includes everything from autonomous systems to real-time battlefield simulations and secure AI-driven cyber defense. The ability to control this part of the supply chain would reduce China’s vulnerability to export controls and strengthen its position in future conflict scenarios where AI plays a decisive role.

Policy and Strategic Implications

For the United States and its partners, this development raises hard questions about the assumptions underlying current export controls and military planning. To date, U.S. efforts have aimed to contain China’s access to critical semiconductor manufacturing tools and advanced AI hardware, seeing this as fundamental to maintaining a strategic advantage across civilian and defense sectors. That strategy is grounded in the belief that access to high-performance computing and AI chips underpins future battlefield success and strategic deterrence.

However, if China continues to close the technological gap—even incrementally—it could force a recalibration of how export controls, multilateral alliances, and technology policy are employed to maintain an AI lead. This shift could also affect allied nations that currently benefit from U.S. chip technology dominance, pushing them to reassess their own semiconductor strategies and defense modernization plans.

Not a Done Deal—Yet

It is important to emphasize that China’s EUV prototype is still not mass-producing chips and remains far less sophisticated than the machines used by industry leaders like TSMC or Intel. Many technical hurdles remain, particularly in optics and production scalability. Critics also note that successfully generating EUV light, while significant, does not automatically translate into full chipmaking capability.

Nevertheless, the development signals that China’s resolve to master the hardest elements of semiconductor manufacturing is stronger than many analysts had expected—underscoring how semiconductor technology is now inseparable from global competition, economic strategy, and military balance.

Conclusion: A New Dimension of the AI Arms Race

China’s reported EUV prototype does not yet rewrite the rules of the global semiconductor landscape, but it does redefine the timeline and stakes. In an era where artificial intelligence increasingly shapes military strategy and operational capability, control over the hardware that fuels AI is no longer a commercial advantage alone—it is a strategic imperative.

As rivals pursue their own national semiconductor goals, the emergence of China’s EUV capabilities could mark the beginning of a more contested, multipolar era in both technology and military power.

Ethiopia will hold its 7th General Election on June 1, 2026, the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) announced on Tuesday, marking the formal start of a long electoral cycle in a country still navigating political tension and institutional reform.

NEBE Chairperson Melatwork Hailu said the Board has already launched a series of pre-election preparations aimed at ensuring a more organized and technologically supported process.

Those steps include restructuring branch offices, assessing the readiness of polling stations, and rolling out nationwide training for political parties to help them communicate their platforms effectively to the public.

For the first time, candidate registration will be conducted through a custom-built digital platform, allowing political parties and independent contenders to file their applications online.

Melatwork noted that the transition to digital systems is designed to reduce delays, strengthen verification, and modernize Ethiopia’s electoral infrastructure.

Voter registration will also follow a hybrid model—partially conducted through NEBE’s new software and partially through manual systems to ensure accessibility in areas with limited digital connectivity.

The Board is additionally finalizing a separate digital system to register election observers, a move officials say will expand transparency and improve monitoring during the 2026 vote.

NEBE’s announcement signals an early push to stabilize electoral expectations and give political actors a clear timeline ahead of what is expected to be a pivotal national vote.

China Tests Hypersonic Jet Aiming to Circle the Globe in Seven Hours.

China’s aviation ambitions are accelerating at extraordinary speed. The country is developing a hypersonic jet capable of flying at Mach 16 — fast enough to circle the planet in just seven hours — in what could become one of the most dramatic leaps in commercial air travel since the dawn of the jet age.

The aircraft, designed by Beijing-based Lingkong Tianxing, is moving from concept toward reality. The company has already completed successful test flights of its Yunxing prototype at Mach 4, roughly 3,070 mph. Engineers are now conducting advanced trials on a new-generation engine designed to push the aircraft into true hypersonic territory.

If the program advances as planned, long-haul routes would be transformed. A journey such as London to New York — currently an eight-hour transatlantic flight — could be reduced to about 90 minutes, surpassing even the Concorde’s fastest record of under three hours.

Lingkong Tianxing confirmed that its Yunxing demonstrator flew successfully in October, with additional propulsion tests scheduled throughout November. Each step marks incremental progress toward a maiden hypersonic flight, which the company hopes to achieve within the next decade.

A legacy of speed: from Concorde to the hypersonic race

The promise of ultra-fast civilian travel revives a dream that captivated the world half a century ago. The Concorde, operated by British Airways and Air France, was the first and only supersonic passenger jet to enter commercial service.

Flying at Mach 2, it cut transatlantic travel times in half and embodied the pinnacle of Cold War–era aerospace engineering.

But the Concorde also revealed the limits of early supersonic travel. Operating costs were immense, its fuel burn was high, and its sonic booms sharply restricted where it could fly. A deadly crash in 2000, followed by surging fuel prices and weakened demand after 9/11, led to the aircraft’s retirement in 2003.

In the years since, the industry’s push toward supersonic and hypersonic travel has periodically faded and re-emerged. Today, advances in materials science, engine design, and computational aerodynamics have reignited optimism that the next generation of ultra-fast flight may succeed where the Concorde could not.

A global race to the next frontier

China is not alone in the race. Designers such as Oscar Viñals have proposed aircraft capable of exceeding Mach 5. NASA’s X-59 program is experimenting with technologies to dramatically reduce sonic booms.

American firms like Venus Aerospace envision jets that could complete transatlantic routes in under an hour. Meanwhile, Chinese companies like Cormac are working on supersonic aircraft quieter than a car at Mach 1.

But among the many contenders, Lingkong Tianxing’s hypersonic Yunxing project is the most audacious — and the most advanced in real-world testing.

Whether the jet ultimately reaches its proposed Mach-16 capability remains an open question. The technological and regulatory challenges are enormous. Yet the company’s rapid progress signals that a new era of extreme-speed passenger flight may no longer be a distant fantasy.

For now, the Yunxing program stands at the forefront of a high-stakes, global technological race — one that could redefine both military and civilian aviation and fundamentally reshape how the world moves.

Saudi Arabia’s decision to allow foreign nationals to purchase real estate beginning in January 2026 marks one of the most consequential shifts in the Kingdom’s economic strategy in decades, signaling a deeper turn toward global investment and the structural ambitions of Vision 2030.

The policy, which will open designated zones in Riyadh, Jeddah, NEOM and other major development corridors to expatriates and international buyers, represents a calibrated move toward economic liberalization in a country historically defined by strict ownership rules. Properties in Makkah and Madinah will remain governed by special regulations.

Under the government’s timeline, the new law is set to take effect in early 2026, with detailed regulations to be released within six months on the “Istitaa” digital platform. Officials say this window is intended to provide clarity to investors, developers, and financial institutions preparing for what is expected to become one of the world’s largest emerging real estate markets.

The policy aligns with a broader effort to reduce Saudi Arabia’s dependence on oil by drawing long-term foreign capital into the country’s infrastructure and housing sectors.

Property ownership, Saudi officials argue, encourages expatriates to transition from temporary workers to invested residents — deepening the professional class required for expanding industries such as finance, technology, and advanced manufacturing.

A central driver of the reform is the need to attract private investment into the Kingdom’s mega-projects, including NEOM, the Red Sea development, and the rapid transformation of Riyadh.

Opening real estate to foreign ownership converts a previously limited market into a globally tradable asset class, offering new revenue streams for banks, developers, and state-backed projects.

The approach parallels elements of Dubai’s economic model, which ignited a real estate boom when it opened specific zones to international buyers in 2002. Saudi Arabia’s strategy mirrors that playbook: liberalize selectively, preserve sensitive areas, and allow major urban centers to absorb and shape global demand.

The scale, however, is dramatically larger; some economists estimate the long-term potential of Saudi Arabia’s property market at more than $15 trillion.

Still, questions remain. The full impact will hinge on the specifics of the forthcoming regulations — including ownership limits, financing rules, zoning boundaries, and taxes.

The clarity and predictability of these rules will determine whether Riyadh and Jeddah emerge as major global real estate hubs or advance more cautiously as regional centers of investment.

For international executives, asset managers, and institutional investors, the new policy is a signal to begin preparing.

The Kingdom’s real estate sector is transitioning from a protected domestic market to an international investment landscape, introducing opportunities for construction firms, financial institutions, private equity, and residential developers.

Saudi Arabia’s long-term bet is clear: foreign ownership will accelerate economic diversification, draw global talent, and bind international capital to the success of Vision 2030. As the Kingdom continues its rapid transformation, the opening of the property market is poised to become one of the most influential economic reforms of the decade.

The Collapse of a Mirage: Donor Fatigue Exposes Somalia’s Fake Economy.

The illusion of Mogadishu’s “economic progress” has finally cracked. Somalia’s finance minister has admitted what diplomats have long whispered: without foreign donors, the so-called federal government cannot even fund itself.

For years, Somalia’s officials sold the world a narrative of recovery — polished PowerPoints, aid conferences in Brussels, and endless speeches about “digital transformation.” But the mask is off. The 2025 growth forecast has collapsed from 4 percent to barely 1 percent, a free fall that exposes a truth Somalilanders have known all along: the federal state survives not on governance, but on grants, gimmicks, and global sympathy.

Finance Minister Bihi Iman Egeh told CNBC Arabia that the crash comes after a steep drop in donor aid. In plain words, Somalia’s economy is an empty shell built on handouts. The country’s entire budget — from roads to salaries — depends on the goodwill of foreign governments who are now turning away.

Decades after the war, Mogadishu has not learned to stand. Every ministry depends on an NGO; every project depends on another foreign grant. When donors walk, Somalia falls.

The E-Visa Scandal: A Government That Can’t Guard Its Own Data

The collapse of the federal e-visa system, hacked and humiliated before the world, was not an accident — it was a symptom of a failed state pretending to be digital.

More than 35,000 travelers’ data were leaked, including names, photos, and addresses, while Mogadishu stayed silent for days.
Washington warned citizens directly, bypassing Somalia’s own institutions — a diplomatic slap that said it all: even the U.S. doesn’t trust the system.

And yet, this is the same federal government that tried to block Somaliland’s airspace, disrupt regional travel, and impose illegal digital systems across territories it doesn’t control. The breach turned the tables. The world now sees who is capable — and who is careless.

Donor Patience Has Run Out

Global partners have shifted priorities — Ukraine, Gaza, climate crises. Somalia is no longer the emotional project it once was.

Analysts say donors have grown tired of funding corruption disguised as reform. Billions have flowed into Mogadishu, yet poverty deepens, youth flee, and infrastructure barely exists.

As the flow of dollars dries up, Mogadishu’s officials panic, hiding behind slogans of modernization. The Finance Minister himself admitted domestic tax reforms increased revenue “from a very low base.” Translation: nothing significant.

Meanwhile in Hargeisa…

Across the Gulf of Aden, a different story unfolds. Somaliland — unrecognized but self-reliant — continues to run balanced budgets, secure borders, and deliver what Mogadishu only advertises: real governance.

Its coast guards train with Western partners. Its peace endures without a cent from foreign troops. Its institutions function without begging for debt forgiveness or donor pity.

While Mogadishu blames the world, Somaliland builds.
While Somalia collapses under fake federalism, Somaliland stands on fiscal discipline, national unity, and quiet competence — the very ingredients that donors wish Mogadishu had.

The Verdict

Somalia’s looming financial crash is not just an economic headline; it’s a moral one.
A country that refuses to govern itself cannot ask others to keep paying its bills.
And a government that spies, hacks, and fails at basic administration cannot claim to represent a region that has already moved on.

As 2025 begins, the difference is now undeniable:

A340s, 777s and Forged Papers: Inside the Plot to Replenish Iran’s Fleet.

A fresh sanctions-evasion pathway has opened from Africa to Tehran, aviation researchers and open-source investigators warn, after Malawian front companies began re-registering wide- and narrow-body jets bound for Iran.

The transfers mirror a larger, adaptive campaign by Mahan Air — an Iranian carrier long linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps — to rebuild long-haul capacity in the face of U.S. export controls.

A chronology of flights and registry entries reviewed by investigators shows Malawi-registered airframes appearing in Asia before small, clandestine movements toward Iran.

The pattern follows the July 2025 “Triple Seven” operation through Madagascar, in which five ex-Singapore Airlines Boeing 777-212ERs were routed through multiple countries using forged Malagasy registrations.

That scandal prompted arrests in Madagascar and the suspension of a civil-aviation official, but experts say Tehran’s logisticians quickly shifted tactics.

Between mid-2024 and mid-2025, Malawian shell operators acquired records for several aircraft types — including Boeing 737s, Airbus A320s and the four-engine Airbus A340-642 — that investigators say were refurbished in China and later prepared for clandestine transfer to Iran.

In at least three cases, jets sold for dismantling in 2022 were instead returned to service and painted with Malawian registration codes while stored at Taiyuan Wusu International Airport, according to satellite imagery and photographic evidence examined by open-source analysts.

The aircraft are valuable for reasons beyond passenger service. The A340-642, despite its age, uses Rolls-Royce Trent 556 engines whose spare-parts lines are more accessible to Iranian technicians than the primarily U.S.-made engines on more modern jets.

Investigators say that capability, combined with the A340’s range and cargo capacity, makes it an attractive platform for mixed passenger-freight missions that can support long-distance logistics — a capability Tehran has used for years.

Analysts say the Malawi shift exposes broader weaknesses in international aviation oversight. “Where one permissive registry is closed, another can appear,” said an aviation compliance expert who reviewed the materials.

Wealthier states and established registries have more robust end-user checks; smaller states with limited technical capacity and acute financing needs are often vulnerable to opaque transactions and political pressure, the expert added.

The U.S. response to the Madagascar affair — a coordinated probe by the FBI and sanctions on complicit actors — demonstrated that enforcement can work.

Washington and allies now face a fresh policy choice: replicate that model in Lilongwe and other jurisdictions, or watch Iran’s procurement networks adapt again.

The report urges Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, the State Department and international civil aviation authorities to press Malawi for transparency, suspend suspect air operator certificates and trace beneficial ownership of the shell companies involved.

If left unchecked, investigators warn, the incremental restoration of Iran’s long-range airlift would erode the effectiveness of export controls by adding capability one aircraft at a time — a slow-moving attrition of sanctions that would be difficult to reverse.

Africa’s development banks are entering a make-or-break moment. Behind closed doors in Washington, Paris and major investment houses, a quiet campaign is underway — one that could determine whether the continent keeps the financial tools it needs to fund its own growth, or remains trapped in a system where others set the rules and the price of money.

At the center of this dispute is preferred creditor status — a long-standing guarantee that multilateral development banks are repaid first when countries face distress.

Global institutions like the World Bank, IMF and regional lenders in Asia and Latin America rely on this protection. Their credibility, and their ability to lend cheaply during crises, depends on it.

But in recent months, powerful actors — from IMF officials to Paris Club negotiators and analysts at JP Morgan — have begun questioning whether African development banks deserve the same treatment.

Some claim the institutions are “too small.” Others argue that because they do not always offer concessional loans, their status should be reconsidered. A JP Morgan note even warned investors that African banks could lose the privilege altogether.

This is not a technical debate. It is a battle over who controls Africa’s access to affordable capital. And if the narrative goes unchallenged, it will justify the same high interest rates that have long punished African economies.

What sets African development banks apart is that their preferred creditor status is not an informal practice — it is international law. Treaties establishing Afreximbank, the African Development Bank and the Trade and Development Bank explicitly enshrine this status.

They are registered under the UN Charter and ratified domestically by member states. Ironically, the legal footing of African institutions is stronger than that of the IMF or World Bank. Yet it is Africa’s lenders that are cast as “uncertain.”

African governments must correct this perception, loudly and collectively. Finance ministers, central bank governors and the African Union should issue coordinated public affirmations making clear: the legal protections exist, they are enforceable, and they are backed by political will.

Meanwhile, Africa’s development banks — now holding more than $640 billion in assets — must speak with a unified voice.

Their success and rapid growth have sharpened resistance from rating agencies and commercial creditors. Silence allows outsiders to shape the narrative; coordinated action reclaims it.

Ultimately, this is not about protecting institutions. It is about protecting African financial sovereignty. If global perceptions dictate African creditworthiness, the continent will continue paying a penalty that other regions do not.

Reasserting preferred creditor status is therefore not technical housekeeping — it is a declaration that Africa has the right to finance its future on fair terms.

The Strategic Successes of Ismail Omar Guelleh’s Era: Why Djibouti Stands as a Model of Stability.

As Djibouti prepares for a potential sixth term under President Ismail Omar Guelleh—following formal requests from Parliament, the ruling RPP party, and the people —the moment invites a closer look at how his two decades of leadership have shaped one of the Horn of Africa’s rare success stories.

Guelleh’s tenure has produced something increasingly scarce in the region: uninterrupted stability, disciplined economic policy, and a geopolitical relevance far larger than the country’s size.

Djibouti’s rise did not hinge on abundant natural resources or a booming population. Instead, it grew from a calculated use of geography, neutrality, and sustained governance—an approach that turned a small coastal state into a pivotal global security and logistics hub.

Djibouti’s stability is its most valuable national asset. In a neighborhood marked by civil wars, insurgencies, and political breakdowns—from Somalia’s decades-long conflict to Sudan’s devastating crisis—Djibouti has remained consistently calm.

That peace has enabled government institutions to mature, foreign investors to stay, and international partners to treat the country as a reliable anchor in an unpredictable region.

It is this reliability that has allowed Djibouti to host an extraordinary concentration of foreign military bases. The United States, China, France, Japan, and Italy all maintain significant installations inside the country—the only place in the world where such geopolitical rivals operate side by side.

The presence of these forces signals more than strategic geography; it reflects profound diplomatic trust, a stable political environment, and Djibouti’s reputation as a partner capable of managing sensitive global interests.

Guelleh has also used that platform to play mediator, hosting talks between regional actors and stepping into conflicts where neutral ground is essential. For a country of under 1 million people, that diplomatic reach is an achievement in itself.

Economically, Guelleh’s strategy has been defined by a long-term vision: transforming Djibouti into the Horn of Africa’s primary logistics gateway. Much of that story is written through its ports.

The Doraleh Multipurpose Port has expanded the country’s handling capacity, while continuous upgrades have positioned Djibouti as Ethiopia’s most critical lifeline to global markets.

The Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway revived a trade artery vital to both economies, cutting transport costs and strengthening interdependence between the two nations.

The country’s monetary stability has been equally central. The Djiboutian franc has held a fixed peg to the U.S. dollar for more than seven decades. Under Guelleh, that peg has remained untouched—offering an uncommon degree of predictability for investors in a region where inflationary shocks are routine.

The result is a currency trusted by foreign partners and a domestic economy shielded from the dramatic swings seen elsewhere in East Africa.

Djibouti has not confined its ambitions to trade and security. It has pursued development projects aimed at widening its economic base. Investments in geothermal and renewable energy signal a push toward self-sufficiency in a country with limited natural resources.

At the same time, Djibouti has become a digital crossroads, serving as a critical landing point for undersea fiber-optic cables linking continents. Improvements in education and health services, while gradual, have supported the needs of a growing service-driven economy.

Taken together, these achievements form the backbone of the argument for continuity. Supporters of Guelleh say that maintaining this trajectory requires steady leadership, especially as global tensions rise, the Red Sea becomes increasingly militarized, and climate pressures intensify across the Horn.

Critics may debate the length of his tenure, but the broader consensus—seen in the calls from political institutions urging him to run again—is rooted in an understanding of what Djibouti has become under his stewardship: a small state that mastered its geography, protected its stability, and built durable partnerships in an unsettled region.

In a world where volatility is rewriting the political map from the Sahel to the Suez, Djibouti’s quiet steadiness has become a strategic asset.

And much of that steadiness, supporters argue, is the product of Guelleh’s long-term approach—one that turned necessity into leverage and geography into national strength.