A new U.S. remittance tax threatens to gut Somalia’s $1.7 billion diaspora lifeline—triggering economic collapse, humanitarian crisis, and a surge in informal money flows.

Trump’s 2026 remittance tax risks collapsing Somalia’s economy as families brace for the loss of critical support. Experts warn the U.S. is weaponizing aid and migration policy at the expense of survival.

Somalia is about to be blindsided—not by warlords or drought, but by a remittance tax out of Washington that could decimate the country’s fragile economy. As of January 1, 2026, every dollar sent to Somalia will be taxed by up to 3.5% under Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill,” a move pitched as a crackdown on undocumented immigration but more likely to starve the most remittance-dependent nations on Earth.

For Somalia, this is no abstract fiscal policy. It’s a death sentence. In 2023 alone, Somali families received $1.73 billion in remittances—more than all humanitarian and development aid combined. That’s nearly half the nation’s GDP. Now, that lifeline faces amputation.

Humanitarian agencies are raising alarms. Aid has already been slashed by over 40% this year under Trump’s foreign aid freeze. Now this tax delivers a double blow—cutting off the very funds keeping Somali families afloat. Experts estimate that a 3.5% tax could slash formal remittances by nearly 6%, with knock-on effects that collapse local markets and push thousands into hunger.

Ironically, while the U.S. claims the tax is about revenue, it won’t even deliver much—just $10 billion over a decade. But the cost to Somalia and other poor nations could exceed $2.5 billion every year. That’s a loss the country cannot absorb.

Worse, the tax will push remittances underground. Hawalas, paqueteros, crypto workarounds—Somalis have used them all before. And they will again, bypassing banks, AML protocols, and government oversight in the process. The West may get less crime, but also less control.

This is not policy. It’s punishment. It won’t deter migration. It will accelerate collapse. And Somalia, as always, will be left holding the empty bag.

The African Union (AU) has approved an additional $10 million in Peace Fund support for Somalia, doubling its 2025 allocation to $20 million as it prepares to hand over responsibilities from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to the newly formed African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM).

The decision was announced during the 47th Ordinary Session of the AU Executive Council held this week in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. The funds, drawn from the AU’s Crisis Reserve Facility, are intended to close critical financial gaps and ensure continuity in operations during the sensitive mission transition period at the end of 2024.

AUSSOM, which officially launched in January 2025, is a non-combat stabilization mission designed to support Somali-led security efforts and capacity building as ATMIS draws down. AU officials say the additional funding will help prevent operational disruptions and support the new joint command structure agreed upon with the Somali government in June.

Despite the AU’s increased commitment, uncertainty clouds the financial sustainability of AUSSOM. The mission’s annual cost is projected at $166.5 million. While the United Nations has pledged to cover up to 75% of this amount, the United States—once a key donor—has declined to contribute directly, citing concerns over transparency, long-term viability, and donor burden-sharing.

This shift marks a significant departure from the U.S.’s earlier support, which included more than €2 billion in funding to AU missions in Somalia from 2007 to 2020.

The AU and Somalia have consistently warned of the risks posed by erratic funding. Past delays in ATMIS troop payments—particularly affecting Ugandan forces—highlighted the fragility of relying heavily on external donors. In response, the AU restructured its Peace Fund in 2016 to increase self-reliance, with a target of $400 million in member contributions. Progress, however, remains slow.

As the end of ATMIS approaches, pressure is mounting on the AU and its partners to secure predictable and diversified funding streams. For Somalia, AUSSOM’s success is not just a matter of security—it is a test of the region’s ability to support African-led peacekeeping beyond donor dependence.

Deadly suicide bombing hits Jaalle Siyaad Military Academy in Mogadishu as al-Shabab escalates attacks amid intensified military crackdown.

A suicide bombing at Mogadishu’s Jaalle Siyaad Military Academy, Somalia’s premier military training facility, has left an undetermined number of casualties and underscored the persistent threat posed by al-Shabab militants. The explosion occurred at approximately 11:20 a.m. Wednesday when the bomber detonated explosives at the academy’s main gate in Mogadishu’s Hodan district.

Within minutes, security forces had cordoned off the area and initiated an investigation, vowing to release confirmed casualty figures once the inquiry concludes. Initial reports indicate several fatalities and injuries, though exact numbers remain unclear.

Somalia’s Defence Ministry swiftly condemned the attack, attributing responsibility to al-Shabab, an extremist group linked to al-Qaida that has consistently targeted government institutions and military installations in a prolonged insurgency aimed at imposing strict Islamic rule. The ministry expressed heartfelt condolences to the families of victims and reiterated its commitment to intensifying counter-terrorism operations.

This latest incident highlights the ongoing vulnerability of high-value targets in the Somali capital, despite government assurances and intensified military campaigns aimed at dismantling extremist networks. The Jaalle Siyaad Military Academy has been repeatedly targeted due to its symbolic and strategic significance, training the nation’s future military leaders.

The attack comes amid a concerted national offensive against al-Shabab, backed by international allies and African Union peacekeepers, which has reclaimed substantial territory from the militant group. However, al-Shabab remains capable of executing high-profile attacks within Mogadishu and other urban centers, raising serious questions about the efficacy of current security measures.

As Somalia’s security forces and government confront the daunting task of eradicating the extremist threat, the latest bombing underscores the critical need for strengthened security protocols, increased intelligence sharing, and coordinated international support to finally break al-Shabab’s deadly grip on the region.

Somalia Under Hassan Sheikh Mohamud: A Family-Run “Company” Colluding with Al-Shabab and Controlled by Foreign Halane Mafia.

President Mohamud’s administration accused of corruption, terrorist collaboration, and dangerous attempts to destabilize peaceful Somaliland.

Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud faces damning accusations of transforming governance into personal enterprise, collaborating with terrorists, and remaining under control of foreign interests, pushing Somalia into deeper instability and risking conflict with Somaliland.

Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, Somalia faces a devastating era marked by corruption, foreign domination, and troubling allegations of complicity with Al-Shabab terrorists. Far from national leadership, his administration has reportedly descended into a family-operated enterprise, prioritizing personal enrichment and power consolidation over national stability.

Central to this crisis is the fortified compound of Halane, known as Somalia’s “forbidden fortress,” which operates like a colonial enclave, dominated by foreign interests and maintained by a tight-knit group—the “Halane Mafia.” For two decades, this foreign-backed clique has systematically undermined true Somali sovereignty, going so far as openly excluding Somalis from critical roles within their own country.

The UNSOS job ad scandal, explicitly barring Somalis from employment opportunities on their soil, is just one glaring example of the ongoing humiliation and subjugation. Instead of fostering genuine capacity-building, these international actors perpetuate dependency, keeping Somalia weak, fractured, and beholden to foreign aid and consultants.

Amidst this turmoil, President Mohamud’s reported plans for aggression against the peaceful of Somaliland demonstrate alarming misdirection and recklessness. Somaliland’s stable governance and security stand in stark contrast to the chaos within Somalia’s borders—a chaos amplified by Mohamud’s failures and compromised leadership. Such aggression could unleash catastrophic instability, diverting attention from his administration’s dysfunction and dangerous collaboration with extremist elements.

Somalia stands at a perilous crossroads, trapped by internal corruption and external manipulation, with a leadership seemingly intent on deepening conflict rather than pursuing peace and self-determination. For the Somali people, their nation risks sliding deeper into perpetual instability and foreign subjugation.

A Critique of the Hassan Sheikh Mohamud Administration and the Halane Enigma

Somalia Pushes SSC-Khaatumo Statehood, Igniting Tensions with Somaliland and Its Allies

The current state of Somalia under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is not merely a period of governance; it is, by many accounts, a nadir in the nation’s tumultuous history. Far from leading a sovereign state, President Mohamud presides over what has, tragically, devolved into a personal enterprise, a “company” seemingly owned by him and his family, with credible independent reports even linking his administration to collaboration with the very terrorists, Al-Shabab, that plague the nation.

This is an administration widely perceived as the worst in the world, a stark betrayal of the Somali people’s aspirations for peace, security, and self-determination.

The core of this systemic failure lies within the fortified walls of Halane, the so-called “forbidden fortress of Somalia’s foreign minders.” This enclave, rather than fostering genuine state-building, has morphed into a self-perpetuating, colonial-like outpost, sustained by the apathy of generations of Somalis who have known no government truly worthy of their name.

A small, entrenched group, often referred to as the “Halane Mafia,” has, for two decades, completely hijacked the Somali administration. This clique, inherently against the very notion of Somalia becoming a secure, functioning, and independent country, actively resists the transfer of real power to Somali hands. Their grip is so absolute that it extends to denying Somalis even opportunities within their own land, as shockingly exemplified by the United Nations Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS) job advertisement for a Programme Support Officer in Mogadishu, explicitly stating: “Candidates must be a national of a country other than the country of assignment”—a blatant prohibition on Somali nationals from a role meant to support their own nation.

This is not capacity building; this is colonial perpetuation, where “failed Western actors” continue to preach development while ensuring continued dependence on foreign consultants and unreliable aid, now abandoning Somalis to their fate.

The consequences of this entrenched dysfunction are dire and far-reaching. Innocent Somalis are routinely mistreated in their own country, and hope, once a flicker, is rapidly fading. This ministerial failure is palpable, and the frustration simmers beneath the surface of a populace that increasingly sees no difference between the foreign-controlled Halane and the supposedly sovereign Villa Somalia. The clarion call, “Out with Halane,” grows louder by the day, reflecting a deep-seated yearning for genuine Somali leadership.

In this context of profound domestic instability and international manipulation, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s alleged intent to invade and wage war on Somaliland, purportedly due to dissatisfaction with its security situation, is not just a dangerous escalation but a grotesque irony.

To seek conflict with a stable, self-governing entity like Somaliland, while his own administration is embroiled in accusations of corruption, collaboration with terrorists, and being controlled by a foreign-backed cabal, speaks volumes about the priorities and capabilities of his leadership.

The security situation in Somaliland, in stark contrast to the chaos he presides over, is a testament to its own resilience and self-governance. This proposed aggression is a desperate diversion, a dangerous gamble by a leader whose legitimacy and effectiveness are crumbling under the weight of his own administration’s failures.

The long-term implications of this sustained misgovernance and external interference are catastrophic for Somalia’s future, threatening to condemn generations to perpetual instability and foreign subjugation.

A military helicopter operated by the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) crashed and caught fire early Tuesday at Mogadishu’s Aden Adde International Airport, killing at least three people, officials confirmed.

The helicopter, operated by the Ugandan Air Force under the AUSSOM mission, was attempting to land after taking off from Baledogle Airfield in the Lower Shabelle region. It carried eight personnel on board.

Three survivors were taken to the AUSSOM hospital. Their condition remains undisclosed.

Witnesses reported a loud explosion and rising smoke after the aircraft plummeted. “We saw it spinning before it crashed,” aviation officer Omar Farah told reporters. Another witness described “a huge explosion and smoke everywhere.”

The cause of the crash is still unknown, and neither AUSSOM nor the Somali government has released an official statement on what led to the incident.

Airport operations were briefly delayed, but civil aviation authorities say the runway is now fully operational, and normal flight schedules have resumed.

This is the second AUSSOM helicopter incident in weeks. A prior crash occurred in the Hawadley district during an evacuation mission after flooding displaced Burundian peacekeepers.

The crash comes as Somali forces—backed by AU troops—continue operations against al-Shabaab. This week, the army reported the killing of a senior al-Shabaab commander in Middle Shabelle.

AUSSOM, formerly ATMIS, maintains over 11,000 peacekeeping personnel from countries including Uganda and Kenya to support Somali forces against militant threats.

Turkey deploys 500 troops and advanced Akinci drones to Somalia, aiming to reverse al-Shabaab’s territorial gains and strengthen Somalia’s security capabilities. 

Turkey has made a dramatic escalation in its military footprint in Somalia, deploying 500 elite counterterrorism troops and drone operators to support Somali forces battling al-Shabaab insurgents, sources confirm.

The latest deployment — which includes 300 commandos and 200 drone technicians and specialists — nearly triples Turkey’s existing contingent in Somalia and signals Ankara’s growing strategic stake in the Horn of Africa’s security and resource landscape.

At the heart of this deployment is the Turkish-made Akinci drone, a battlefield beast with night vision, 24-hour endurance, and heavy payload capacity, far outstripping the smaller Bayraktar TB2s that Somali forces have used in past engagements. According to regional military analysts, Akinci drones could change the trajectory of the war, offering precise nighttime strikes and superior surveillance capabilities against a nimble and entrenched al-Shabaab network.

Turkish officials emphasize that the troops are tasked with protecting Turkish infrastructure and training Somali forces, but rules of engagement permit strikes against al-Shabaab when necessary. The escalation aligns with a 2024 security agreement that allows Turkey to station up to 2,500 troops in Somalia by 2026, including support for maritime security and offshore resource development.

This move comes as the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) flounders, short by 8,000 troops and desperate for donor funding. The UN-backed mission, expected to be a stabilizing force, now risks becoming symbolic unless bolstered by external partners like Turkey.

Since its establishment in 2017, Camp Turksom in Mogadishu has trained over 16,000 Somali soldiers, including the Gorgor Commandos and Haramcad paramilitary units, giving Turkey unmatched influence over Somalia’s emerging national security architecture.

With al-Shabaab regaining ground in central Somalia, including the recent contested capture of Adan Yabaal, Turkey’s expanded presence aims to reverse militant gains and inject renewed momentum into Somalia’s long-stalled counterterror campaign.

“This isn’t just about training anymore. This is tactical,” said one insider. “Turkey is now deeply embedded in Somalia’s security calculus—on land, in the air, and soon, at sea.”

As the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden heat up geopolitically, Turkey’s growing role could redraw influence maps in East Africa—ushering in an era where Ankara, not just Washington or Beijing, dictates military outcomes in Africa’s most contested war zone.

20 killed in suicide bombing at Mogadishu military base as al-Shabab targets Somali army recruitment—again

A suicide bombing at Damaanyo base in Mogadishu kills 20 and wounds 15, exposing the cracks in Somalia’s security rebuild and the federal government’s vulnerable military apparatus.

Sunday’s suicide bombing at Mogadishu’s Damaanyo base was not just another attack—it was a chilling reminder that al-Shabab is not merely surviving Somalia’s counterterror campaign. It is adapting, infiltrating, and striking where it hurts the most: recruitment, trust, and morale.

The explosion, which killed 20—including 15 army recruits—has left the Somali public once again questioning whether the federal government is truly in control of its own capital. The bomber didn’t strike a remote outpost or vulnerable village. He detonated himself at a gate swarming with hopeful young men ready to serve their country.

Al-Shabab’s message is clear: they can still kill Somalia’s future before it even dons a uniform.

The scene was all too familiar. Young recruits. A crowded base entrance. A militant mingling unnoticed until it’s too late. A mirror of the 2023 Jale Siyad massacre. And like that previous horror, this one unfolded in broad daylight—right across from the last site, as if to mock the government’s inability to adapt. Where is the promised perimeter security? Where is the operational intelligence?

This wasn’t a failure of bravery. It was a failure of leadership.

For President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration, the timing is disastrous. Just 24 hours prior, Col. Abdirahmaan Hujaale, a respected field commander, was gunned down in Hiiraan. The implications are grim. Al-Shabab is assassinating officers and bombing soldiers-in-waiting. This is not just an insurgency. This is psychological warfare, and it’s working.

While the government urges calm and official updates, Somali families are burying their sons. Once again, the cycle of blood and blame spins on. Once again, Somalia’s youth pay the price for a government that still cannot secure its own barracks.

Until Mogadishu stops treating security breaches as isolated events and starts admitting systemic infiltration and structural rot, al-Shabab will continue turning soldier queues into killing fields.

This isn’t just a security lapse. It’s a national shame. The kind that leaves behind not just body parts—but broken trust.