Whistleblower reveals President and Speaker approved secret deal granting Turkey control over 90% of Somalia’s oil and gas — triggering calls of betrayal and neo-colonialism.

“90% Giveaway”: Somalia’s Oil Surrender to Turkey Sparks Outrage in Parliament

A Somali MP has exposed explosive claims implicating the President and Speaker in a secret oil deal with Turkey that hands 90% of Somalia’s hydrocarbon wealth to Ankara. National sovereignty and political accountability now hang in the balance.

The Federal Parliament of Somalia has been rocked by an explosive declaration from MP Dr. Abdillahi Hashi Abib, who publicly accused President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Speaker Sheikh Adan Madobe of surrendering 90% of Somalia’s oil and gas wealth to Turkey in a secretive deal that he claims undermines the very sovereignty of the nation.

Standing before the House of the People, Dr. Hashi, a respected member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, revealed that a whistleblower from inside Villa Somalia had furnished him with credible documentation showing both the President and Speaker gave their approval to a deeply controversial hydrocarbons agreement that grants Turkey the lion’s share of Somalia’s natural resources — leaving the Somali people with only a token 10%.

He further disclosed that the President is reported to have defended the lopsided agreement as being “in the best interest of the nation,” a justification that Dr. Hashi forcefully condemned as “a veiled act of neo-colonialism.”

But the accusations don’t stop there. Dr. Hashi warned that in the coming days, he will release notarized documents showing that Ziraat Bank of Turkey violated Somali banking laws, operating under the radar with what appears to be unauthorized coordination with the Central Bank of Somalia.

The implications are staggering. If substantiated, this agreement not only strips Somalia of control over its future economic engine but also potentially violates constitutional procedures, sovereignty norms, and economic governance principles.

Dr. Hashi’s rallying cry was blunt:

“Have the President and the Speaker fulfilled their solemn constitutional oaths to safeguard the interests and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia?”

Public outrage is mounting. Many in Mogadishu and the wider Somali diaspora are now calling for an emergency parliamentary investigation. Critics are framing the deal as an act of economic treason—a continuation of foreign domination disguised as partnership.

With his final words, Dr. Hashi warned:

“Stay vigilant. The truth will be revealed.”

The Somali public is waiting — and the storm is just beginning.

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Turkey Grabs Oil in Libya, Iraq, and Somalia

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How Turkey’s Strategy in Africa Capitalizes on Anti-Western and Anti-China Sentiments

Turkey to Deploy Frigates to Guard Energy Exploration Ship in Somalia

Somalia and Turkey Have Signed Intelligence-sharing Agreement

In a dramatic show of political force, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud unveiled his new political vehicle, the Justice and Unity Party, on Monday night in Mogadishu—cementing his intent to dominate Somalia’s next phase of political transition through a sweeping alliance of federal power and regional loyalists.

Backed by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre and the presidents of Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Southwest, and the contentious Khaatumo, the party’s launch marks a clear pivot from fragmented coalition politics toward a centralized federal bloc with national ambitions. The absence of Puntland and Jubbaland from the launch underscores deepening rifts in Somalia’s federal balance—raising questions about whether Justice and Unity represents unity or just consolidation.

President Hassan Sheikh, now formally elected chairman and presidential candidate of the new party, used the occasion to double down on promises of universal suffrage and the long-stalled constitutional finalization—both of which have served as cornerstones of his second-term reform agenda. “We are ready to give Somalia a government built on votes, not clan quotas,” he declared to a crowd of thousands in Mogadishu, where support for the president remains high among the political class and civil society.

The party’s top leadership reads like a federal government roll call: Prime Minister Hamza, Southwest’s Laftagareen, Deputy Speaker Sadia Yasin Samatar, and Deputy PM Salah Ahmed Jama all occupy senior roles. Abdirahman Odowaa, a seasoned political operative, was tapped as secretary-general, reinforcing the party’s technocratic appeal.

Yet behind the pomp lies a more strategic play. Justice and Unity positions itself as the official party of the federal government, a status that allows it to potentially outmaneuver other contenders ahead of Somalia’s long-delayed transition to one-person, one-vote elections. It also places President Hassan Sheikh at the helm of an electoral machine capable of reshaping parliamentary dynamics and marginalizing rivals through federal resource leverage.

Still, the road ahead is far from smooth. Puntland and Jubbaland’s absence highlights a fractured federal system increasingly strained by Mogadishu’s centralizing ambitions. With Puntland floating alternative electoral timelines and Jubbaland preoccupied with its own security dilemmas, the notion of nationwide elections under a unified party-led government remains aspirational at best.

Whether Justice and Unity brings real reform or simply consolidates power under a new name, one thing is clear: President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has fired the opening shot in Somalia’s next political war—a war not just of votes, but of legitimacy, federal balance, and the very future of Somali statehood.

UN Independent Expert Isha Dyfan has issued a stark warning to Somalia’s leadership: resume constitutional reform now or risk plunging deeper into institutional instability and human rights violations.

Speaking from Mogadishu after a week-long fact-finding mission, Dyfan described the Somali state as “caught in a critical transition moment” with urgent reforms needed to stabilize governance and defend fundamental rights. She pressed the government to relaunch the stalled constitutional review process and pass long-delayed legislation protecting women, children, and minorities.

“Somalia must accelerate the constitutional review and adoption process. Delay only weakens legitimacy and fuels crisis,” Dyfan said bluntly.

While she welcomed progress in drafting four constitutional chapters in 2024, she criticized parliament for stalling broader reforms and failing to pass key human rights bills—despite cabinet approval. This includes laws addressing rape, child protection, and the banning of female genital mutilation.

A Fractured System

Dyfan’s message came as Somalia transitions from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to the new AUSSOM force and prepares for a UN mission handover by October 2026. Yet internal power struggles, recent federal clashes with Jubaland forces, and deep clan divides are undermining cohesion. Dyfan pointed to the entrenched 4.5 power-sharing system as a core obstacle to inclusive governance and gender equality.

Her warning was not just about politics. She highlighted a worsening humanitarian outlook, with conflict, drought, and underfunding leaving Somalis without access to schools, food, healthcare, or water. “Children are paying the highest price,” she said.

Signs of Hope?

Despite the grim outlook, Dyfan praised regional progress. Jubaland’s anti-FGM law and South West State’s disability rights act stood out as examples of proactive governance at the state level. She also welcomed ongoing Justice Ministry consultations on judiciary reforms, but warned that a lack of national urgency could derail the effort.

Dyfan’s warning signals growing international concern that without constitutional legitimacy, legal reform, and inclusive politics, Somalia risks deepening insecurity—and losing the fragile gains of the past decade.

The United Nations is racing against time to plug a $27 million funding shortfall for the new African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), warning that the mission’s momentum against Al-Shabaab could collapse if critical resources aren’t secured quickly.

In closed-door UN Security Council consultations on Monday, Somalia and the UK urged member states to step up and fulfill their commitments under Resolution 2719—a hybrid funding model that requires the UN to provide 75% of AUSSOM’s budget, with the remaining 25% raised externally. So far, only $14.5 million of the needed $41.6 million has been secured from the African Union Peace Fund and contributions from Japan and South Korea.

What’s at stake

AUSSOM took over from the AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) on January 1, with a revised annual budget of $166.5 million. Cost-saving measures—including keeping troop stipends at $828/month, scaling back aviation assets, and excluding death/disability compensation—have already slashed more than $124 million from operational costs. Still, without bridging this final gap, the mission’s core stability tasks could grind to a halt.

A UN official warned: “Without timely support, the mission risks losing ground at a time when the security environment remains highly volatile.”

Washington pushes back

The U.S. remains a key holdout. A bill in Congress would block American funding for AUSSOM under the 2719 framework, claiming Somalia is an unsuitable case for assessed contributions. Instead, Washington is pushing for alternative financial arrangements—delaying broader consensus and casting uncertainty on the May 15 deadline for full budget approval.

As Al-Shabaab regroups and Somalia’s political landscape remains fragile, the stakes for AUSSOM’s success are high—not just for Mogadishu, but for regional stability. A fractured Security Council risks handing militants an opening.

Without swift and unified action from donor states, AUSSOM’s future, and Somalia’s fragile security gains, could be on the line.

Former Somali President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed has issued a stinging rebuke of the National Consultative Council (NCC) summit, accusing President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration of exploiting the military for political purposes and attempting to centralize power. His warning reflects growing domestic and international unease over decisions made in the absence of key federal states.

At a press conference in Mogadishu, Sharif denounced the summit’s focus on building a major political party instead of fostering consensus. “To suggest that a new administration can be built from this chaos is deeply regrettable,” he said. His comments came amid mounting tension between the federal government and regional leaders, particularly in Puntland and Jubbaland, both of whom boycotted the summit.

The former president’s warnings mirror those of the United States, which issued a blunt statement on X (formerly Twitter) cautioning against unilateral decisions that ignore Somalia’s fragile federal balance. “Decisions taken without broad-based support will lack legitimacy and distract from pressing security challenges,” the U.S. State Department warned.

The NCC summit, attended by President Mohamud and allies from Galmudug, Hirshabelle, South West, pledged support for the Somali National Army and deeper federal-state cooperation. But critics argue that excluding Puntland and Jubbaland not only undermines the forum’s legitimacy but risks further fragmenting an already fragile union.

With elections looming in 2026, opposition figures are sounding alarms over what they see as a federal power grab disguised as reform. While the government insists it’s focused on strengthening governance and defeating Al-Shabaab, its sidelining of dissenting states has drawn sharp criticism at home and abroad.

The stakes are clear: Somalia’s path forward hinges not just on defeating terrorists, but on holding the federation together. Without consensus, even well-intended reforms may spark the opposite of stability.

The NCC summit may have unified a few, but it has alienated many. As Sharif warns of political recklessness and the U.S. signals diplomatic concern, Somalia faces a critical test—will it move toward inclusive governance, or risk deepening national divisions under the guise of unity?

U.S. Drops the Hammer: No Las Anod State, Warns Somalia to Obey the Constitution

Washington Shuts Down Secret Plans to Create Las Anod Federal State, Declares No Legitimacy Without Broad-Based Consensus.

This bombshell announcement rocks Mogadishu’s political class and signals a clear shift in Washington’s red lines.

In a significant diplomatic intervention, the U.S. Bureau of African Affairs has issued a statement emphasizing the necessity for inclusive decision-making processes in Somalia’s federal and electoral systems. This comes amid escalating tensions surrounding the contested city of Las Anod and the broader implications for Somalia’s political stability.

The U.S. Bureau of African Affairs stated on X (formerly Twitter):

“All relevant stakeholders should have a say in changes to Somalia’s federal and election systems. Decisions taken without broad-based support will lack legitimacy and distract from pressing security challenges.”

This statement underscores the U.S. government’s concern over unilateral decisions that could undermine Somalia’s constitutional framework and exacerbate existing security issues.

The situation in Las Anod has been particularly volatile. Clashes between Somaliland forces and local militias. The conflict underscores the complexities of Somalia’s federal structure and the sensitivities surrounding regional autonomy.

In response to the escalating violence and political maneuvering, the U.S. has reiterated its stance on the importance of inclusive governance and adherence to constitutional processes.

The emphasis is on preventing any unilateral actions that could undermine Somalia’s stability and the broader efforts to combat extremist groups like al-Shabaab.

As Somalia navigates these challenges, the international community continues to monitor developments closely, advocating for dialogue, constitutional adherence, and inclusive political processes to ensure long-term peace and stability in the region.

Somali officers join PLA-led exchange as Beijing ramps up defense diplomacy and supplies African armies with Chinese-made weapons.

Beijing has rolled out the red carpet for Africa’s next generation of military leaders—and Somalia is at the front of the line. Nearly 100 officers from over 40 African countries, including Somalia, have touched down in China for a 10-day defense diplomacy blitz that is equal parts charm offensive and strategic maneuver.

Hosted by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense and anchored at the PLA’s elite National University of Defense Technology, the exchange includes base tours, joint strategy sessions, and leadership workshops from May 6–15. It’s China’s fourth such program, but this one arrives at a critical time: Somalia’s armed forces are rearming, reorienting—and now, reengaging with Beijing.

The Somali National Army’s participation comes just weeks after it took delivery of Chinese-built ZFB-05 armored vehicles via the African Union. Although AU-branded, their Chinese origin is no accident. Beijing has quietly become a key player in African military logistics, especially where Western support has waned.

This exchange is not just about optics. China is offering hard power too: a billion-yuan military aid package, 6,000 troops to be trained, and an additional 1,000 police officers slated for capacity-building. Beijing is pitching itself not just as a friend—but as a defense partner willing to train, equip, and engage.

And it’s working. From the Red Sea to the Sahel, more African uniforms are being stitched with Chinese assistance. For Somalia, a country rebuilding its army from scratch, the promise of advanced training and modern gear—without Western political strings—is seductive.

China’s defense diplomacy in Africa is no longer subtle. It’s a strategic playbook: train elites, equip partners, and lock in loyalty through long-term military-to-military ties. The presence of Somali officers in this exchange isn’t just a photo op—it’s a snapshot of Africa’s shifting defense alliances.

Somali President and U.S. AFRICOM Chief accelerate joint counterterrorism push, eye decisive blow to Al-Shabaab insurgency.

The war against Al-Shabaab is entering a new, sharper phase—and the U.S. is doubling down. In a high-level meeting held in Mogadishu, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and General Michael E. Langley, head of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), sealed what insiders are calling a renewed strategic combat pact to fast-track the elimination of Somalia’s deadliest insurgency.

With airstrikes intensifying and Somali ground operations expanding, the timing of this visit signals urgency. President Hassan emphasized that Somalia cannot afford to move at a bureaucratic pace. “Acceleration” is the new doctrine—faster raids, faster intelligence flow, and faster liberation of Al-Shabaab-held zones.

Meanwhile, behind closed doors, Somalia’s Defense Minister Ahmed Fiqi, Army Chief Gen. Odawaa Yusuf Raage, and U.S. Ambassador Richard H. Riley convened with AFRICOM officials to map out a fresh joint blueprint. The objective: dismantle both Al-Shabaab and ISIS factions before they mutate into another regional menace like Boko Haram.

From air support to on-the-ground coordination, AFRICOM’s role is becoming more embedded. Sources close to the talks confirmed an emphasis on real-time intelligence sharing, advanced military training, and high-impact strikes aimed at crippling the terror group’s leadership and logistics.

Minister Fiqi, in his address, openly praised the U.S. for its crucial role in restoring security and hope to war-torn communities, noting how U.S.-backed missions have re-liberated territory once considered lost.

But the stakes go beyond Somalia. With Ethiopia fragile, Sudan fractured, and Yemen in flux, the Horn of Africa risks slipping into a terrorist corridor. What Mogadishu and Washington are forging today could be the firewall tomorrow.

Bottom line: The U.S.-Somalia alliance is no longer advisory—it’s operational.
AFRICOM is not just watching Somalia’s war. It’s fighting it, shoulder to shoulder. The next 90 days will reveal whether this recalibrated campaign delivers the blow Al-Shabaab fears most: extinction.