The European Union introduces stricter Schengen visa regulations for Somalia to improve readmission cooperation. Changes include single-entry visas, higher fees, and longer processing times.

In a decisive move, the European Union Commission has proposed stringent new visa regulations for Somalia. This initiative aims to enhance cooperation on the readmission of Somali nationals who have entered and stayed in the EU without proper documentation. The proposed changes, pending EU Council approval, include issuing only single-entry visas, increasing visa fees, and extending application processing times from 15 to 45 days. Additionally, the EU may suspend certain regulations requiring the submission of supporting documents for visa applications.

“Despite steps taken by the EU and its Member States to improve readmission cooperation, Somalia’s efforts remain insufficient,” the EU Commission declared. This proposal forms part of the EU’s broader strategy to manage irregular migration within its borders by ensuring countries cooperate on the readmission of their nationals.

The EU has implemented similar measures against other countries, such as Ethiopia and The Gambia. In April, multiple-entry Schengen visas were halted for Ethiopians, and visa fees were increased for Gambian nationals, although the fee hike was later revoked. Other measures against The Gambia remain in place.

The Commission’s statement noted that the proposal would soon be presented to the EU Council, where member states will decide on the next steps. This move underscores the EU’s firm stance on managing migration and ensuring compliance with readmission agreements.

Heavy Police Presence in Kampala Following President Museveni’s Stern Warning to Protesters

Uganda’s capital, Kampala, witnessed an intense police crackdown on Tuesday as authorities geared up to thwart a planned anti-corruption rally. President Yoweri Museveni, who has dominated the East African nation for nearly four decades, sternly cautioned protesters that they were “playing with fire.”

The rally, spearheaded by opposition leader Bobi Wine and his National Unity Platform (NUP), has been deemed illegal by the government. Wine revealed that the NUP headquarters had been besieged by police and military forces, intensifying the already charged atmosphere. On Monday, three opposition lawmakers, including Francis Zaake, Charles Tebandeke, and Hassan Kirumira, were detained, adding to the mounting tensions.

Inspired by the Gen-Z-led protests in neighboring Kenya, Ugandan youths have mobilized online, urging citizens to “march on parliament” under the hashtag #StopCorruption. Leading protester Shamim Nambasa emphasized the youth’s determination to confront corruption and reclaim their country’s future.

Despite the call to action, police spokesman Kituuma Rusoke firmly stated that any demonstrations jeopardizing national peace and security would not be tolerated. AFP journalists reported roadblocks and a significant police presence, particularly near Kampala’s business district and around the NUP headquarters.

Uganda’s struggle with corruption is well-documented, with the country ranked 141 out of 180 on Transparency International’s corruption index. Several high-profile scandals have underscored the pervasive nature of graft, fueling public outrage and calls for accountability.

As the situation unfolds, Uganda stands at a critical juncture, with its youth poised to challenge the entrenched political order. The outcome of these protests could reshape the nation’s political landscape and redefine the fight against corruption in Uganda.

Tensions Mount as Museveni Threatens Crackdown on Defiant Protesters Amid Allegations of Foreign Interference

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has issued a stark warning to anti-corruption protesters planning a banned march on Tuesday, asserting that they are “playing with fire.” In a televised address late Saturday, Museveni, who has maintained an iron grip on the East African nation since 1986, cautioned against the demonstration, which he claimed included “elements working for foreign interests.”

Earlier, Ugandan police had explicitly informed organizers that the planned protest in the capital, Kampala, would not be permitted. Authorities cited intelligence suggesting that some participants intended to exploit the demonstration to incite chaos. “Demonstrations can only be allowed under our mandate as long as they are not causing public disorder and disrupting lives of lawful citizens,” said Frank Mwesigwa, the police operations director.

Despite these warnings, the protest organizers remain defiant. Louez Aloikin Opolose, one of the main protest leaders, asserted that they would proceed with their plans. “We don’t need police permission to carry out a peaceful demonstration,” Opolose stated. “It is our constitutional right.”

The demonstrators aim to march past parliament, which they accuse of tolerating and perpetuating corruption. Protester Shamim Nambasa emphasized their resolve: “Our starting point in the fight against corruption is parliament … and the demonstration is on irrespective of what police is saying.”

Uganda’s corruption levels are notoriously high. Transparency International ranks the country at 141 out of 180 on its corruption perceptions index, where the least corrupt countries rank highest. The protesters are motivated by this entrenched corruption and have been closely following the tumultuous anti-government protests in neighboring Kenya. The Kenyan demonstrations, initially sparked by controversial tax hikes, have broadened into a wider campaign against government corruption and alleged police brutality. Since June 18, these protests have led to at least 50 deaths and 413 injuries, according to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Museveni’s claims of foreign involvement in the Ugandan protests add a provocative twist to the situation, though he provided no specific details to substantiate his allegations. This rhetoric mirrors similar accusations often levied by long-standing regimes facing internal dissent, aiming to discredit opposition by suggesting external manipulation.

The president’s fiery warning and the police’s firm stance against the march highlight the high stakes and potential volatility surrounding Tuesday’s planned protest. The government’s determination to stifle dissent is clear, but the protesters’ resolve suggests a brewing confrontation. As Uganda braces for the demonstration, the echoes of Kenya’s unrest loom large, underscoring the regional implications of such movements against corruption and governance.

The world watches as Uganda’s anti-corruption protesters challenge the might of a long-entrenched regime. With Museveni’s ominous warnings and the defiance of the protest organizers, the stage is set for a potentially explosive clash. The outcome of this standoff could have far-reaching consequences, not just for Uganda, but for the broader struggle against corruption and authoritarianism in Africa.

The Untold Story of Waddani’s Alleged Treachery and the Looming Peril

Somaliland stands at a crossroads, with the potential to become a dominant force in Africa if it secures international recognition. The nation’s vast oil, gas, and mineral reserves promise a prosperous future, but only if the current administration can navigate the treacherous waters of internal betrayal and external aggression.

In the shadowy corridors of power, a silent war is being waged within Somaliland, threatening to unravel the very fabric of the nation. This urgent intelligence report exposes the nefarious activities of the Waddani party, allegedly conspiring with external enemies to destabilize Somaliland. As the nation teeters on the brink of chaos, President Muse Bihi’s government faces an existential crisis, infiltrated by traitors and undermined by clandestine forces.

Somaliland’s strategic importance has never been more apparent, drawing the attention of global powers such as China, the US, and Russia. However, this spotlight has also illuminated internal vulnerabilities that foreign adversaries are eager to exploit. The enemy within has found allies among Somaliland’s political elite, with the Waddani party at the epicenter of this betrayal.

Secret intelligence reports, now declassified, reveal a web of corruption and propaganda meticulously woven by Waddani operatives over the past seven years. The former Speaker of the Somaliland Parliament, Abdirizak Khalif, emerges as a pivotal figure in this conspiracy. Khalif, with deep-rooted ties to the Daarod clan, has publicly renounced Somaliland, inciting unrest in Lasanod and beyond. His actions echo the violent legacy of the former Somali dictator, Siad Barre, who orchestrated the massacre of half a million Somalilanders.

Khalif’s ascent to the highest echelons of power, allegedly facilitated by the Waddani party, raises unsettling questions about Somaliland’s security apparatus. How did an avowed enemy infiltrate the government so effectively? Why has the administration of President Muse Bihi, despite being aware of these threats, failed to act decisively?

The internal threat is exacerbated by media manipulation funded by Waddani’s dirty money. Journalists, compromised by bribes, disseminate fake news designed to erode public trust and fuel anti-government sentiments. This insidious campaign aims to destabilize Somaliland from within, rendering it vulnerable to external aggressors.

President Muse Bihi’s tenure, marked by relentless battles against both visible and invisible enemies, underscores the complexity of his predicament. How can a leader combat adversaries embedded within his own administration? The answer lies in decisive, unprecedented action. The government must investigate Waddani’s treacherous activities, expose their corruption, and bring them to justice. The Secret Waddani Files, containing damning evidence of bribery and propaganda, must be made public. Only then can the nation begin to heal and fortify itself against future threats.

The shocking reality is that individuals complicit in this betrayal are poised to compete in the upcoming elections. The failure to address Waddani’s actions signifies a dangerous complacency within the government.

Somaliland’s geopolitical significance, underscored by its alliance with Taiwan, has made it a target for Chinese interference. China, eager to undermine President Bihi’s administration, has allegedly invested in Waddani and other opposition figures. Berbera, once a lesser-known port, is now recognized as Somaliland’s diamond, a critical asset coveted by international powers.

The stakes are high, and the time for decisive action is now.

The forthcoming elections on November 13, 2024, present a critical juncture for Somaliland. It is imperative to delay the elections to root out internal enemies and cleanse the government of traitorous elements. A minimum one-year period is required to implement these necessary purges, ensuring the safety and integrity of the nation before any electoral process resumes. The election committee must prioritize the security of Somaliland over procedural timelines.

Intelligence reports have uncovered a chilling plot by Darood elites to incite a civil war in the western regions of Somaliland, echoing the unrest in Lasanod. Anti-Somaliland elements from the Awdal region are allegedly conspiring to ignite conflict, a scheme that, if left unchecked, could plunge the nation into chaos.

The government must act swiftly to neutralize these threats, imprison unelected clan leaders, and counter media disinformation.

The unsettling truth is that some of President Bihi’s trusted Politicians are implicated in this conspiracy. These individuals, driven by personal gain, have been working with foreign adversaries to destabilize Somaliland from within. Many lack the educational background and relevant experience for their positions, raising further questions about their loyalties and competence.

Somaliland stands at a crossroads, with the potential to become a dominant force in Africa if it secures international recognition. The nation’s vast oil, gas, and mineral reserves promise a prosperous future, but only if the current administration can navigate the treacherous waters of internal betrayal and external aggression.

In conclusion, Somaliland faces an urgent and existential threat from within. The Waddani party, driven by corruption and aligned with external enemies, poses a significant danger to the nation’s sovereignty. President Muse Bihi’s administration must act decisively to purge these internal threats, delay the elections, and secure Somaliland’s future. The time for complacency is over; the survival of Somaliland hangs in the balance.

This is an updated version of an article originally published March 14, 2023.

Military leaders of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso sign a confederation treaty, distancing themselves from ECOWAS and Western allies.

In a dramatic departure from traditional alliances, the military leaders of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have signed a groundbreaking treaty, marking a significant shift away from their regional and Western allies. This move, finalized during a summit in Niamey on Saturday, further cements the mutual defense pact established last year under the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). The summit was a historic first for the leaders—Niger’s General Abdourahmane Tchiani, Burkina Faso’s Captain Ibrahim Traore, and Mali’s Colonel Assimi Goita—who have all come to power through successive coups in their bordering West African nations.

The signing of the confederation treaty comes just months after these nations withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional bloc they have increasingly viewed as a threat. ECOWAS had suspended the three countries following their respective military takeovers—Niger in July 2023, Burkina Faso in September 2022, and Mali in August 2021. ECOWAS also imposed sanctions on Niger and Mali, although bloc leaders have held out hope for their eventual return. Yet, Tchiani’s remarks at the summit were unequivocal: “We are going to create an AES of the peoples, instead of an ECOWAS whose directives and instructions are dictated by powers foreign to Africa.”

Burkina Faso’s Traore echoed this sentiment, accusing foreign powers, particularly former colonial ruler France, of exploitation. “Westerners consider that we belong to them and our wealth also belongs to them. They think that they are the ones who must continue to tell us what is good for our states,” Traore stated. “This era is gone forever. Our resources will remain for us and our populations.”

Mali’s Goita emphasized the solidarity within this new alliance, declaring, “An attack on one of us will be an attack on all the other members.”

This meeting in Niamey strategically preceded an ECOWAS gathering in Nigeria’s capital, Abuja, where discussions on mediating the countries’ return to the bloc were expected. Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Idris noted that the timing was likely intended to counter ECOWAS initiatives and affirm the trio’s stance against returning to the bloc. Despite recent informal diplomatic efforts by Senegal’s newly elected President Bassirou Diomaye Faye to mend ties, the outcome remains uncertain.

Adama Gaye, a political commentator and former ECOWAS communications director, remarked that the creation of the AES has indeed weakened the economic bloc. He criticized ECOWAS for its failures in achieving regional integration, promoting intra-African trade, and ensuring security, suggesting that the bloc needs a comprehensive reinvention and renewed diplomatic engagement to bridge this growing rift.

The Niamey summit underscored a significant shift in security alignments, coming a day before the United States was set to complete its withdrawal from a key base in Niger. This development highlighted the region’s ongoing instability, with armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL jockeying for control and causing widespread violence. Following the coups, the three nations’ ties to Western governments have frayed. French troops have withdrawn from Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, and the U.S. is completing its withdrawal from strategic bases in Niger.

In place of Western alliances, the new military leaders are increasingly looking to Russia for security and economic partnerships. However, the effectiveness of this new approach in curbing regional violence remains dubious. Burkina Faso experienced a sharp increase in violence in 2023, with over 8,000 deaths reported. In Niger, any progress against armed groups has been undermined post-coup. In Mali, a brutal offensive involving Russian Wagner mercenaries led to mass civilian casualties and widespread displacement.

The human cost of these power shifts is staggering. Approximately three million people have been displaced across these nations due to ongoing conflicts. The future of regional stability hinges on whether this new alliance can achieve what ECOWAS could not—real security and sustainable development for their populations.

How Clan Loyalties and Traditional Leaders Threaten the November 2024 Elections –

Somaliland is witnessing a disturbing regression into tribal politics as it gears up for the November 2024 elections. What was once a beacon of hope for democracy in the Horn of Africa is now at risk of being overshadowed by the sinister influence of clan loyalties and traditional leaders. The upcoming elections, rather than being a celebration of democratic progress, are turning into a tribal showdown that threatens the very fabric of Somaliland’s hard-won peace and stability.

The recent clash between KAAH chairman Mahmoud Hashi and Wadani party candidate Abdirahman Cirro over the Habarjeclo votes has laid bare the ugly reality of Somaliland’s political landscape. This isn’t just a political disagreement; it’s a struggle for tribal dominance that is eroding the democratic principles Somaliland has strived to uphold.

Imagine this: after decades of fighting for independence and building a semblance of democratic governance, the people of Somaliland now find their fate being decided not by the ballot box, but by traditional clan elders. These elders, particularly from the Habarjeclo tribe, have blatantly disregarded Somaliland’s electoral laws, crafting new rules that serve their interests and sidelining the nation’s constitution. This brazen power grab is nothing short of a betrayal of the people’s trust and a mockery of their democratic aspirations.

The complicity of legislative councils and the senate, dominated by Habarjeclo figures, in this travesty is particularly egregious. They have not only sanctioned this illegal takeover but actively participated in it. This scandalous subversion of democracy is a stark reminder of how fragile Somaliland’s political system remains. The upcoming elections, instead of being a beacon of democratic progress, risk becoming a farce dominated by tribal allegiance.

Let’s be clear: this isn’t just about political maneuvering. It’s about the future of a nation and its people. The orchestrated push by traditional Habarjeclo leaders to monopolize political power and exclude other parties from the presidential race on November 13, 2024, is a direct assault on the multi-party system. This system, which allows for political plurality, is being systematically dismantled in favor of tribal hegemony. The exclusion of the Horseed and Hilaac organizations and the aggressive stance of the Wadani party only exacerbate the situation, creating an atmosphere of tension and instability.

What is perhaps most alarming is the silence of Somaliland’s educated elite and those in top positions. Their acquiescence—or worse, their complicity—in this regression into tribalism is a betrayal of their responsibilities. How can these leaders, who should be the vanguards of democracy, remain silent as the nation teeters on the brink of tribal anarchy?

The spectacle of three politicians from the Habarjeclo tribe—Mohamed Kahin of Kulmiye, Hirsi Haji Ali of Wadani, and Mahmoud Hashi of KAAH—competing for their tribe’s votes is a damning indictment of Somaliland’s political landscape. This internal feud, framed as a struggle for tribal dominance, is a disgrace to the democratic ideals that Somaliland purportedly upholds.

The people of Somaliland deserve better. They deserve leaders who prioritize national unity and democratic governance over narrow tribal interests. The November 2024 elections should be an opportunity to reaffirm Somaliland’s commitment to democracy, not a descent into tribal chaos.

Mahmoud Hashi’s attempt to leverage Abdirahman Irro’s power for the benefit of KAAH, and Irro’s refusal to relinquish Wadani’s presidential ambitions, only highlights the extent to which tribal politics has corrupted the electoral process. This sordid saga of backroom deals and tribal horse-trading is a travesty of democracy.

The people of Somaliland have not endured decades of conflict and instability only to see their democratic dreams dashed by the whims of tribal leaders. The silent majority—the ordinary men and women who want nothing more than peace, stability, and a voice in their own governance—must stand up and demand better. They must hold their leaders accountable and insist on a return to the principles of democracy and the rule of law.

As the elections approach, it is imperative that the international community and the people of Somaliland hold their leaders accountable. The time has come to reject the pernicious influence of tribal politics and demand a return to democratic principles. Only by doing so can Somaliland hope to achieve the peace and stability that its people so desperately crave.

The future of Somaliland hangs in the balance. Will it be a future defined by democratic progress and national unity, or will it be marred by tribalism and division? The choice lies in the hands of the Somaliland people and their leaders. The world is watching, and the stakes could not be higher.

Exposing the Conspiracy: Mohamed Abdullahi Omar’s Hidden Agenda Against Somaliland

Military Court in Kinshasa Prosecutes Americans Alongside Dozens of Defendants Over Botched Coup”

KINSHASA, CONGO — Three Americans appeared before a military court in Kinshasa on Friday, accused of participating in last month’s coup attempt targeting the presidential palace and a close ally of President Felix Tshisekedi. The trial, held in an open-air court and broadcast live, also includes dozens of other defendants.

The Coup Attempt and Its Aftermath

The botched coup, led by the lesser-known opposition figure Christian Malanga, resulted in six deaths. Malanga, who live-streamed the attack on social media, was fatally shot after resisting arrest. His 21-year-old son, Marcel Malanga, a U.S. citizen, along with two other Americans, is among those facing charges that could lead to the death penalty, including terrorism and murder.

Court Proceedings and Translation Issues

During the initial court session, the defendants, including Marcel Malanga, requested translation services from French to English. However, the court-appointed translator and a subsequently chosen journalist struggled with accurate interpretation, causing frustration among the defendants.

Background and Personal Stories

Tyler Thompson Jr., 21, traveled to Africa from Utah, reportedly under the pretense of a vacation funded by the elder Malanga. Thompson’s family, who had no prior confirmation of his well-being, expressed relief upon learning of his appearance in court.

Benjamin Reuben Zalman-Polun, 36, another American on trial, has a history of legal issues in the U.S. and connections to Christian Malanga through a gold mining venture in Mozambique.

Prominent Belgian-Congolese researcher Jean-Jacques Wondo also appeared in court, though the evidence against him remains unclear. Human Rights Watch has called for the immediate release of Wondo if credible charges are not presented.

Concerns and Next Steps

Families of the American defendants are crowdfunding to support legal expenses and travel to Congo for future court dates, expressing concerns over their sons’ health conditions. The trial is set to continue next Friday, with the defendants facing severe charges under Congo’s military justice system.

U.S. and Kenya Forge New Partnerships on Technology, Security, and Debt Relief

U.S. President Joe Biden welcomed Kenyan President William Ruto to the White House on Thursday for a state visit, marking the first visit by an African president to the White House since 2008. The two leaders pledged to protect democracy in Africa and beyond, emphasizing new partnerships in technology, security, and debt relief.

President Ruto’s visit underscores the importance of Africa, a continent with a population of 1 billion people and significant trade ties with China. Despite Africa ranking behind the wars in Ukraine and Gaza on Washington’s immediate agenda, the visit signals a strategic focus on strengthening relations with one of Africa’s strongest democracies.

During their meeting, Biden and Ruto discussed various initiatives aimed at bolstering democratic institutions, enhancing technological collaboration, and addressing debt relief. These efforts are part of a broader strategy to counterbalance China’s influence in Africa and to promote stability and prosperity on the continent.

President Biden highlighted the importance of Kenya’s leadership in promoting democratic values and security in the region. He praised President Ruto’s commitment to governance reforms and economic development, positioning Kenya as a pivotal partner for the United States in Africa.

President Ruto expressed gratitude for the support and emphasized Kenya’s dedication to upholding democratic principles and fostering economic growth. The two leaders agreed to continue working closely on shared goals and to expand their collaboration in key areas affecting both nations.

This state visit reflects a renewed commitment by the U.S. to engage with African nations on a deeper level, fostering partnerships that contribute to global stability and development.