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EDITORIAL

Turkey’s Strategic Push into Africa: Five Key Areas of Influence

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Uncover Turkey’s five main areas of interest in Africa, from defense agreements and energy exploration to construction projects and cultural diplomacy, under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s leadership. 

Turkey, under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been strategically expanding its influence in Africa, aiming to establish itself as a major player on the continent. Over the past two decades, Ankara has significantly increased its diplomatic presence, quadrupling its number of embassies across Africa. This week, Turkey announced plans to search for oil and gas off Somalia, underscoring its growing economic ambitions. Here are five key areas where Turkey is making its mark in Africa:

As many African nations distance themselves from their former colonial powers, Turkey has been quick to present itself as a viable alternative. Erdogan’s administration emphasizes the “sincerity” of its engagement compared to European countries, which are often viewed through the lens of their colonial past. According to Selin Gucum, an expert on Turkish interests in Africa, Erdogan’s government does not impose conditions related to governance or human rights, a stark contrast to Western nations. This pragmatic approach has allowed Turkey to forge partnerships with a variety of African states, regardless of their political or human rights records.

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Turkey’s defense agreements span across the African continent, involving countries like Somalia, Libya, Kenya, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Ghana. These agreements have opened lucrative contracts for Turkish defense manufacturers, particularly in the drone sector. Turkish drones, known for their reliability and affordability, have been deployed in several African countries, including Chad, Togo, and the Sahel region’s junta-led states of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. These drones are primarily used in anti-terrorism operations, enhancing Turkey’s reputation as a key security partner.

Turkey is also deeply invested in Africa’s energy sector. Later this year, Ankara plans to commence oil and gas exploration off the coast of Somalia, mirroring its activities in Libyan waters. Additionally, Turkey has shown interest in Niger’s uranium reserves, essential for its upcoming Russian-built Akkuyu nuclear power plant, despite official denials. Erdogan has strengthened ties with Niger’s new rulers following their 2023 coup, highlighting Turkey’s strategic interest in the region’s resources. This week, Niger hosted Turkey’s intelligence chief and ministers of foreign affairs, energy, and defense.

Turkey has established itself as a reliable partner in construction and infrastructure development across Africa. Turkish firms are known for completing large-scale projects like hospitals, airports, and mosques on time and within budget. This reliability has driven demand, with Turkish contractors participating in $85.5 billion worth of projects in 2023 alone. Turkish Airlines further cements Ankara’s presence by servicing 62 destinations across Africa, having been the first airline to resume flights to Mogadishu after rebuilding its airport with Turkish assistance.

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Turkey wields significant soft power in Africa through religious, educational, and media initiatives. The Turkish Maarif Foundation runs 140 schools across the continent, educating 17,000 students, while 60,000 Africans study in Turkey. The Directorate of Religious Affairs actively supports humanitarian efforts, mosque construction, and religious education. Turkish television also extends its cultural reach. NRT, Turkey’s first TV channel dedicated to Africa, broadcasts in 49 countries, promoting Turkish language and culture. TRT, Turkey’s public broadcaster, airs programs in French, English, Swahili, and Hausa, and is developing journalist training programs.

Turkey’s multifaceted approach to Africa, combining pragmatic diplomacy with economic and cultural engagement, is reshaping its role on the continent. As Ankara continues to pursue its interests, it positions itself as a significant player, offering an alternative to Western influence and strengthening its strategic foothold in Africa.

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Commentary

President Irro and Guelleh Forge a New Horn Vision

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Historic Somaliland-Djibouti Summit Unlocks Strategic Path for Regional Integration and Stability.

President Irro’s return from Djibouti marks a breakthrough in Horn of Africa diplomacy, highlighting a new strategic axis with President Guelleh to champion regional peace, port development, and digital transformation.

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro’s return to Somaliland from Djibouti marks the successful conclusion of a historic and symbolically rich state visit that redefined Somaliland’s regional engagement and elevated Djibouti’s role as a diplomatic anchor in the Horn of Africa. Over 48 hours, Presidents Irro and Ismail Omar Guelleh demonstrated not just political maturity, but a shared vision for rewriting the playbook of African regionalism.

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From the moment Irro touched down at Ambouli International Airport to the moment he departed, the visit carried the weight of a purposeful diplomatic renaissance. He was welcomed with full honors by Djibouti’s Prime Minister and later hosted at the Presidential Palace for high-level talks with President Guelleh and senior ministers. The meetings were a masterclass in realpolitik, where the shared history of the two nations was fused with an ambitious blueprint for economic integration, security cooperation, and digital transformation.

The symbolism of Irro’s first regional visit being to Djibouti cannot be overstated. It sent a clear message that Somaliland is aligning itself with pragmatism, economic diplomacy, and regional interdependence. President Guelleh’s administration, long seen as the geopolitical broker in the Horn, embraced Irro with political warmth and strategic sincerity. The visit transcended protocol to deliver concrete engagement.

Highlights included Irro’s visit to Djibouti-Telecom’s submarine cable landing station, a keystone in East Africa’s digital connectivity. Djibouti’s telecom minister called it “an open gateway for shared prosperity,” and Irro’s presence there symbolized Somaliland’s intention to plug into the digital economy and interconnect with the region’s technological future.

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The Somaliland delegation also held strategic dialogues with top foreign ambassadors including those of France, the UK, and Ethiopia—discussing regional security, Red Sea stability, and infrastructure investment. Irro used this platform to assert Somaliland’s proactive role in security architecture while pressing for deeper economic ties and humanitarian engagement.

Perhaps most crucially, the visit reaffirmed a mutual interest in upgrading port infrastructure and logistics coordination. Somaliland’s ports of Zeila, Bullaxar and Toqoshi, and Djibouti’s Doraleh terminal represent complementary logistics hubs that could jointly reshape the Red Sea trade corridor. Irro and Guelleh now stand as co-architects of an integrated maritime strategy.

What emerged from this landmark visit is the quiet formation of a new strategic axis between Somaliland and Djibouti—a brotherhood based on shared geography, history, and future goals. Both Presidents emerge as winners: Irro, for elevating Somaliland’s diplomatic posture with statesmanlike finesse, and Guelleh, for affirming Djibouti’s regional leadership while welcoming a neighbor often sidelined by the international system.

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In a Horn of Africa often rocked by instability, this visit showcased what bold, strategic diplomacy can achieve. It marked the beginning of a deeper regional alliance built not just on politics, but on ports, people, and progress.

Brotherhood at the Palace: Irro and Guelleh Forge New Horn Alliance

Somaliland and Djibouti Forge Strategic Port Partnership

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President Irro Meets Ambassadors of France, UK, and Ethiopia in Djibout

Somaliland President Irro Visits Djibouti’s Submarine Cable Hub, Eyes Digital Future for the Horn

Djibouti and Somaliland Reignite Historic Brotherhood with President Irro’s Landmark Visit

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EDITORIAL

Brotherhood at the Palace: Irro and Guelleh Forge New Horn Alliance

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Djibouti and Somaliland reaffirm cultural unity and strategic partnership in a high-level summit led by Presidents Guelleh and Irro.

( L ) Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro ( R ) President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti at Djibouti’s Republic Palace

In the heart of Djibouti’s Republic Palace, a new chapter in the Horn of Africa’s future was quietly, but powerfully, written. President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro’s state visit to Djibouti, his first regional engagement since Somaliland’s 34th Independence anniversary, was more than a diplomatic gesture. It was a symbolic reset. A declaration that the future of the region can be shaped by its sons, not dictated by distant empires or foreign bases.

President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti welcomed Irro with the highest honors, signaling an extraordinary shift in regional politics. As the two leaders exchanged views on bilateral trade, port infrastructure, cross-border security, and technological connectivity, they laid the groundwork for a strategic alliance that could disrupt the geopolitical chessboard of the Red Sea corridor.

This summit carries immense historical weight. For decades, Somaliland and Djibouti were perceived as peripheral players in East African geopolitics. But the tides are turning. Somaliland has asserted its de facto independence with democratic resilience and economic ambition, while Djibouti has evolved into a critical global logistics hub, hosting bases from world powers and controlling key maritime chokepoints.

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President Irro’s tour of Djibouti-Telecom’s submarine cable landing station is emblematic of this emerging paradigm. “We are proud to share our expertise and strengthen cooperation with our neighbors for an interconnected digital future,” said Djibouti’s Minister of Communications, Radwan Abdillahi Bahdon. In these words lies the blueprint for an East African renaissance driven not by handouts but by high-speed infrastructure, shared vision, and strategic unity.

Minister Ilyas M. Dawaleh of Djibouti echoed the sentiment with a powerful welcome message: “Djibouti and Somaliland are two branches of the same tree. Brothers and sisters, God created us, and we will always be.” This fraternal rhetoric isn’t mere poetry; it’s a policy stance. It paves the way for deeper cooperation in energy, trade, education, and regional diplomacy—all led by Africans with a stake in the outcome.

With Ethiopia reasserting its maritime ambitions and foreign actors scrambling to consolidate influence across the Horn, the Irro-Guelleh alliance offers an indigenous counterbalance rooted in shared history and mutual respect. By tightening bilateral frameworks, formalizing trade routes, and harmonizing border security, Somaliland and Djibouti can anchor stability in a region often painted by instability.

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This alliance is not just a diplomatic footnote. It’s a bold reimagining of African agency. If sustained, it can redefine how sovereignty, cooperation, and innovation converge in the Horn. It could mark the beginning of a new African order—one written not in colonial capitals, but in Hargeisa and Djibouti City. The Horn is no longer a battleground. Under Irro and Guelleh, it could become a beacon.

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EDITORIAL

President Irro Declares a New Era: A Sovereign Somaliland Ready for the World

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In a landmark speech marking the 34th anniversary of Somaliland’s declaration of restored independence, President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro delivered a powerful message of clarity, conviction, and global outreach. His words—deliberate and unapologetic—sent an unmissable signal to both domestic audiences and international powers: Somaliland is sovereign, stable, and here to stay.

President Irro’s address was not merely ceremonial. It was strategic. It was a declaration of intent.

He began by anchoring Somaliland’s identity in historical truth. From British colonial rule to the ill-fated union with Italian Somalia, the President reaffirmed that Somaliland’s decision to reassert its independence in 1991 was neither a rebellion nor secession—it was a legitimate reversal of an unratified union that cost its people dearly in blood and dignity.

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“Somaliland controls its affairs and charts its future—without proxies,” Irro declared, forcefully rejecting any notion that foreign interests shape the destiny of his country. It was a reaffirmation of national agency in a region too often defined by external manipulation.

But while the tone was defiant, the President’s vision was not insular.

He laid out a compelling foreign policy doctrine rooted in peace, mutual respect, and partnership. “Somaliland is open to all nations who seek cooperation and mutual benefit,” Irro affirmed, extending a hand of friendship to existing partners and potential investors. His recognition of Ethiopia, Kenya, UAE, Taiwan, the UK, the US, and Djibouti as key bilateral allies signaled a shift from passive diplomacy to proactive alliance-building.

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The most poignant moment came as President Irro revealed that he had written to heads of state across the world, urging them to formally recognize Somaliland’s de facto statehood as de jure independence. “We are ready. The world can no longer pretend we do not exist,” he said, encapsulating the national mood.

Irro’s message was not only directed outward but also inward. He called for national unity, warning against the corrosive effects of tribalism, and emphasized that the defense of the nation is not just a government obligation—it is a duty shared by all Somalilanders.

He elevated the role of the diaspora, calling them “our ambassadors abroad”, and praised Somaliland women as the torchbearers of national resilience. His promise to integrate them more fully into governance signals a progressive turn in domestic policy. For the youth, he offered both challenge and hope: abandon division and rise to the responsibility of leading tomorrow’s Somaliland.

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The event itself—held in Hargeisa’s central square and attended by dignitaries, former leaders, foreign envoys, and all branches of state and society—was a show of national unity, military strength, and cultural pride. It was Somaliland’s declaration to the world that it is not waiting for recognition—it is commanding it.

Analysis:
President Irro’s speech marks a pivotal shift from defensive nationalism to strategic assertiveness. It reflects a maturing leadership style aimed at transitioning Somaliland from a diplomatic underdog to a rising regional actor. With foreign investments increasing and global alliances expanding, Irro is redefining what it means to lead an unrecognized state in the 21st century: you don’t beg for legitimacy—you prove it, daily, through peace, stability, and vision.

In this 34th year, Somaliland doesn’t just remember its past—it demands its future. And President Irro is placing himself at the forefront of that demand.

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EDITORIAL

Somaliland: Africa’s Most Stable Unrecognized Nation Poised for Global Investment and Strategic Partnership

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A Call to World Leaders and Investors to Recognize and Engage with Somaliland’s Untapped Potential.

In a world increasingly defined by strategic realignment, energy transitions, and global insecurity, there lies one overlooked nation that defies every stereotype of its region: the Republic of Somaliland.

For 34 years, Somaliland has done what few African or Arab countries have achieved: sustained peace, democratic governance, regional stability, and a viable economy — all without international recognition. Now, as global powers scramble to secure rare earth minerals, dominate Red Sea trade routes, and court reliable partners in volatile zones, Somaliland emerges not as a charity case, but as a frontline opportunity.

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To world leaders: Somaliland is the anchor of stability in the Horn of Africa. As Somalia reels under the weight of terrorism and internal discord, Somaliland has proven itself a democratic bulwark. With five peaceful elections, a functioning judiciary, and local ownership of its peace processes, Somaliland meets and exceeds many benchmarks required of fully recognized states. It is time the international community honored the facts on the ground.

To investors: Somaliland is more than geopolitically relevant—it is commercially irresistible. The Berbera Port, developed in partnership with DP World as a strategic logistics hub.

The newly discovered 150-million-barrel oil reserve and untapped rare earth minerals position Somaliland as a future critical mineral supplier. Its mining-friendly geography and growing energy sector offer high returns in a region primed for industrial acceleration.

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To Somalilanders: The world is watching, and your determination has laid the foundation of a nation that stands tall without asking for pity. You have defended your sovereignty not just with arms but with ballots, books, and business plans. Continue to innovate, educate, and build. Your resilience is your greatest resource.

This is Somaliland’s moment. For policymakers in Washington, London, Brussels, and Jerusalem, it is a moment to act. Strategic partnerships, not symbolic aid, are needed. Recognition should not be held hostage by outdated politics.

For global investors, it’s a first-mover advantage. Engage now, and benefit from a nation hungry for transformation and partnership.

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For Somalilanders, this is your era to rise, to lead, and to show the world that legitimacy is not given — it is earned.

Somaliland: Unrecognized by the world, but undeniable in its potential.

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EDITORIAL

The Traore Temptation: How Disinformation Is Hijacking Somaliland’s Youth

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A viral wave of YouTube propaganda has swept through Somaliland over the past seven days, pushing a disturbing narrative: that the future of Somaliland lies in the hands of a military strongman modeled after Burkina Faso’s President Ibrahim Traoré.

But behind the glorified clips of junta rule and flashy edits praising “African resistance,” lies something far more dangerous: a foreign information warfare campaign rooted in Moscow.

WARYATV’s investigation has identified more than 17 Somaliland-based Social Media channels actively promoting anti-Western, pro-military content that mimics Russian disinformation operations previously seen in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso.

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The common thread? A mix of radical anti-democracy rhetoric, glorification of Russian mercenary groups, and subtle calls for a new leadership model in Somaliland—one that mirrors the juntas Russia now props up in the Sahel.

Saleban Ismail Hashin, a prominent Somaliland political and military analyst, warns that these campaigns are not merely a “trend” but a psychological warfare operation aimed at destabilizing the region. “It is terrifying to see how Traoré is being presented as the ‘ideal Somali leader’ by YouTubers from Hargeisa to London,” he told WARYATV. “These are young minds being manipulated by edited footage, fake subtitles, and Russian-fed narratives.”

In a now-viral Somali-language video posted March 19, Traoré is depicted as a pan-African savior, with calls for Somaliland to “rise against the elites” and “reject colonial puppets” — coded language eerily similar to that used by Russian-funded networks in West Africa.

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Our investigation reveals that some of the accounts involved recycle content from a now-defunct propaganda network linked to Jean Claude Sendeoli, a deceased Central African propagandist known for early Russia-Africa disinfo collaboration.

A Hybrid Warfront Arrives in Hargeisa

This is the first documented case tying Somaliland directly to Moscow’s hybrid warfare strategy in Africa. The same Russia that failed to prevent mass killings and insurgencies in the Sahel is now turning its attention east. The pattern is familiar: misinformation, local influencer recruitment, chaos, and ultimately resource extraction.

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According to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies (2024), Russia is responsible for more than 80 of 200 known state-backed disinformation campaigns across the continent. China, UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar trail far behind. But Somaliland now finds itself caught in the web.

From Troll Farms to TikTok in Hargeisa

Ayan Ali, an East African intelligence analyst who monitors social networks from Hargeisa, says Russia’s digital strategy is no longer top-down. “It’s evolved into a network of decentralized actors. You get the original framing from Moscow, but the delivery comes from local influencers who dress it in nationalist and religious language,” she explained to WARYATV.

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“They’re not speaking in Kremlin slogans,” she adds. “They’re saying, ‘Somaliland deserves a new revolutionary path.’ That makes it harder to detect and easier to swallow.”

Shaking the Somaliland Elite

This should be a wake-up call for Somaliland’s political class. The silence of those who should know better is deafening. Young people, disillusioned by unemployment and tribal deadlock, are being pulled toward narratives that promise purity through authoritarianism. The danger is not hypothetical. It’s uploading right now on your child’s phone.

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Traoré is not the future of Somaliland. But unless leaders act fast to counter this digital insurgency, the next generation may believe otherwise.

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EDITORIAL

Forgotten Allies: Somaliland’s WWII Heroes Still Await Recognition

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As Europe marks VE Day’s 80th anniversary, Somaliland’s sacrifices remain sidelined despite its troops’ loyalty in Britain’s darkest hour.

Thousands of Somaliland soldiers fought alongside British forces in WWII. On VE Day’s 80th anniversary, their bravery remains largely unrecognized—sparking calls for historical justice.

As Britain and its allies commemorate the 80th anniversary of Victory in Europe (VE) Day—marking the defeat of Nazi Germany—one crucial chapter remains missing from the global remembrance: the story of Somaliland’s forgotten heroes.

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In a heartfelt interview with Nation.Cymru, Professor Eid Ali Ahmed, a Somaliland-born academic based in Wales, expressed profound dismay over the continued erasure of thousands of Somaliland soldiers who fought alongside British forces during World War II.

“It is a shame that the people of Somaliland who gave their blood for peace and freedom are not being remembered while others are honored,” Professor Eid said.

History Buried in Silence

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In 1940, the Italian military launched a powerful assault on the British Protectorate of Somaliland, forcing a temporary retreat of British forces to Aden. It was a humiliating setback, but one that set the stage for an extraordinary counteroffensive. Within six months, Britain returned—this time with critical support from local Somaliland fighters—reclaiming the territory and pushing back the Italian and Somali forces loyal to Mussolini.

Despite these sacrifices, Somaliland veterans were never granted the same honors or pensions awarded to European troops. Notably, even Italian forces, once enemies of the Allies, have been more visibly acknowledged in VE Day ceremonies.

The Camel Corps and the Unsung Bravery

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One of the most iconic units in this overlooked history is the Somaliland Camel Corps, a rugged desert battalion that helped hold back fascist expansion across East Africa. While Queen Elizabeth II unveiled a monument to this unit in 2002, broader recognition for their sacrifices remains alarmingly absent.

Cemeteries in Hargeisa hold the names of fallen Somaliland soldiers, but their stories are not embedded in global memory. Even on VE Day’s 80th anniversary, their legacy was invisible amid the pomp and ceremony afforded to other Allied nations.

A Legacy of Loyalty—and Neglect

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Professor Eid recounted the contributions of Somali troops not just in Africa but also in Burma and Tanganyika, where they supported British forces. Their involvement stretched into modern conflicts—serving as seafarers during the 1982 Falklands War.

Among those who recognized their valor was Captain Richard Darlington, a British officer so moved by Somali soldiers’ bravery that he settled in Somaliland post-war, dedicating his life to education. He received an MBE and OBE, founded Amoud High School, and was affectionately nicknamed Gacmadheere (long hand) for his charitable work.

Professor Eid, once Darlington’s student, now leads the Darlington Gacmadheere Foundation—offering scholarships to underprivileged Somaliland students. Yet even this living legacy struggles to fill the void left by Britain’s institutional silence.

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“It is time,” says Professor Eid, “for Somaliland’s veterans to be honored—not just in stone, but in public memory, textbooks, and history.”

Eighty years after VE Day, the people of Somaliland continue to ask one simple thing: Remember us.

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EDITORIAL

Idiots with Megaphones: How Somaliland Rewards the Worst

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Loud over logic. Arrogance over insight. This is the true politics of Hargeisa.

The louder the lie, the faster the rise. WARYATV exposes how cognitive bias fuels Somaliland’s dysfunctional power structure.

Let’s call it what it is: The Dunning-Krueger Republic.

In Somaliland, politics is theater—and the lead roles go to the loudest fools. Those who know the least, boast the most. Those who should lead? They’re too “quiet,” “complicated,” or “dangerous.”

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Psychologists call it the Dunning-Krueger effect—a cognitive bias where incompetents believe they’re geniuses, while true experts doubt themselves. In Somaliland’s halls of power, this effect is a lifestyle.

Think about it: the ministers who can’t explain their own departments. The generals who don’t know maps. The diplomats who’ve never written a policy memo. But they dominate meetings, they charm foreign donors, they get re-appointed. Why? Because they project confidence—not substance.

And the public? Conditioned to mistake noise for leadership.

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Even worse: those who dare to think—to propose long-term plans, to challenge clan interests, to reform the ministries—are exiled. Sidelined. Or shamed into silence.

Somaliland doesn’t fail by accident. It fails by design. A design where shouting trumps strategy, and ignorance isn’t just tolerated—it’s weaponized.

WARYATV isn’t here to entertain lies. We’re here to rip the mask off.

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Recognition won’t come until merit does. And merit will never rise until fools fall.

It’s not about brains vs. clans. It’s about survival vs. decay.

Somaliland deserves better. The people deserve leaders who can think, not just talk.

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Wake up. Demand more. Think loud.

From Degrees to Dismissal: Why Smart Somalilanders Never Lead

Somaliland’s Political Class: Selling Out a Nation for Profit

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EDITORIAL

From Degrees to Dismissal: Why Smart Somalilanders Never Lead

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Intelligence is not rewarded in Hargeisa—it’s exiled.

In Somaliland, merit is a liability. WARYATV exposes why educated citizens are systematically sidelined by a ruling elite that fears intelligence more than it fears failure.

In a just society, education should be a ticket to leadership. In Somaliland, it’s often a death sentence for ambition.

For decades, Somaliland’s political and administrative structure has been shaped not by the brightest minds, but by those most willing to serve the status quo. Genuine intelligence? That’s dangerous. It questions. It analyzes. It holds mirrors to corruption. So the system reacts the only way it knows how: with expulsion, character assassination, and strategic isolation.

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Ask yourself this: How many PhDs are sitting in government today? How many economists are drafting fiscal policy? How many engineers are leading infrastructure? Now compare that with how many ex-traders, campaign donors, or clan cousins hold the keys to public institutions.

The answer is obvious.

Intelligence threatens mediocrity. That’s why it’s unwelcome.

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When capable Somalilanders return from abroad with Western degrees and experience, they’re often sidelined or used as PR tools. One minister told WARYATV off-record: “They brought me in for donor meetings, but shut me out of real decisions. The clan elders made every call.”

Worse, our smartest minds are now targets. When they criticize corruption, they’re accused of being agents of UAE. When they demand reform, they’re branded as elitists. It’s not an accident—it’s a defense mechanism. A dumb regime can only survive if it suppresses the very people who could make it smart.

This isn’t just tragic. It’s national suicide.

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Because when intellect is driven out, the only thing left to lead is ego. We get officials who read budgets like poems, ministers who can’t spell “policy,” and decision-makers who think WhatsApp rumors are intelligence briefings.

WARYATV says: Stop asking why Somaliland isn’t recognized. Start asking why it’s rejecting its best minds.

Until brains matter more than bloodlines, the republic will remain a shadow of its potential.

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Somaliland’s Political Class: Selling Out a Nation for Profit

Idiots with Megaphones: How Somaliland Rewards the Worst

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