Somalia Under Hassan Sheikh Mohamud: A Family-Run “Company” Colluding with Al-Shabab and Controlled by Foreign Halane Mafia.

President Mohamud’s administration accused of corruption, terrorist collaboration, and dangerous attempts to destabilize peaceful Somaliland.

Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud faces damning accusations of transforming governance into personal enterprise, collaborating with terrorists, and remaining under control of foreign interests, pushing Somalia into deeper instability and risking conflict with Somaliland.

Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, Somalia faces a devastating era marked by corruption, foreign domination, and troubling allegations of complicity with Al-Shabab terrorists. Far from national leadership, his administration has reportedly descended into a family-operated enterprise, prioritizing personal enrichment and power consolidation over national stability.

Central to this crisis is the fortified compound of Halane, known as Somalia’s “forbidden fortress,” which operates like a colonial enclave, dominated by foreign interests and maintained by a tight-knit group—the “Halane Mafia.” For two decades, this foreign-backed clique has systematically undermined true Somali sovereignty, going so far as openly excluding Somalis from critical roles within their own country.

The UNSOS job ad scandal, explicitly barring Somalis from employment opportunities on their soil, is just one glaring example of the ongoing humiliation and subjugation. Instead of fostering genuine capacity-building, these international actors perpetuate dependency, keeping Somalia weak, fractured, and beholden to foreign aid and consultants.

Amidst this turmoil, President Mohamud’s reported plans for aggression against the peaceful of Somaliland demonstrate alarming misdirection and recklessness. Somaliland’s stable governance and security stand in stark contrast to the chaos within Somalia’s borders—a chaos amplified by Mohamud’s failures and compromised leadership. Such aggression could unleash catastrophic instability, diverting attention from his administration’s dysfunction and dangerous collaboration with extremist elements.

Somalia stands at a perilous crossroads, trapped by internal corruption and external manipulation, with a leadership seemingly intent on deepening conflict rather than pursuing peace and self-determination. For the Somali people, their nation risks sliding deeper into perpetual instability and foreign subjugation.

A Critique of the Hassan Sheikh Mohamud Administration and the Halane Enigma

Somalia Pushes SSC-Khaatumo Statehood, Igniting Tensions with Somaliland and Its Allies

Intense battle erupts as Macawisley militia counters Al-Shabaab’s recent push near Moqokori, Hiiraan region.

Macawisley forces in Hiiraan launch a multi-directional offensive against Al-Shabaab militants in Gumare near Moqokori. Heavy fighting continues amid Al-Shabaab’s attempts to expand control in the region.

Hiiraan’s Macawisley Forces Strike Back as Al-Shabaab Seeks to Reclaim Lost Ground

In the early hours today, Macawisley forces based in Hiiraan launched a bold and coordinated assault on Al-Shabaab militants entrenched in the Gumare area near Moqokori town. The offensive came from three directions simultaneously, signaling strategic intent to dislodge the insurgents who have been increasingly active in the region.

The fierce fighting highlights the escalating contest for control in Hiiraan, where Al-Shabaab has sought to expand its reach following unexplained withdrawals by local forces from key towns in recent days. This tactical vacuum allowed militants to reassert influence, prompting the urgent counteroffensive by Macawisley fighters.

Casualty figures remain unclear as the battle rages on, with both sides determined to secure dominance. The fighting in Gumare not only underscores the fragile security situation in central Somalia but also reflects the resilience of local forces willing to push back despite setbacks.

The outcome of this confrontation will be critical for regional stability, impacting the balance of power between community-based militias and extremist groups in a landscape marked by shifting alliances and persistent threats.

JNIM’s coordinated attack on Malian forces near Senegal threatens regional trade routes and heightens fears of extremist spillover into stable border zones.

An al-Qaida-linked group claimed a deadly attack on Malian army positions near the Senegal border, signaling dangerous expansion of extremist violence in the Sahel and threatening crucial trade corridors.

Al-Qaida’s Sahel Surge: JNIM’s Deadly Assault Near Senegal Border Signals Widening Chaos

The fragile stability of the Sahel faces a grim new test as the al-Qaida-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM) escalates its campaign, striking a Malian army post in Diboli—just steps from the Senegalese border. This coordinated assault is a stark warning: extremist violence is no longer contained in Mali’s interior but creeping dangerously close to once-safe neighboring countries.

For years, Senegal’s border region served as a crucial artery for trade and supplies flowing from Dakar’s ports into landlocked Mali. The recent attack threatens to sever this lifeline, putting border communities on edge and threatening regional economic stability.

Malian forces claim to have “neutralized” 80 militants, yet details remain scarce, and the persistence of such brazen operations underscores the deteriorating security landscape. Mali’s decade-long battle against jihadist groups has worsened since its military coups disrupted Western partnerships. The expulsion of French troops and reliance on Russian mercenaries have failed to curb the insurgency’s momentum.

JNIM, entrenched in Mali and Burkina Faso, is seizing on the chaos—expanding its reach and defying counterterrorism efforts. The group’s presence near Senegal raises alarms about possible spillover, potentially destabilizing one of West Africa’s more stable states.

The international community faces a stark choice: double down on coordinated regional security and development initiatives or watch as the Sahel slips further into chaos, with extremist shadows darkening its borders and economies.

125,000 pounds of bombs dropped on ISIS-Somalia as U.S. Navy flexes global force projection; Strike Group also intercepted 160 Houthi drones in Red Sea before pivoting to Mediterranean.

The USS Harry S. Truman has just cemented its name in military history.

In what Navy officials now call the largest airstrike ever launched from an aircraft carrier, the Truman’s strike group dropped a staggering 125,000 pounds of precision-guided munitions on targets in Somalia — a direct assault on the expanding ISIS-Somalia network that has tripled in size over the past 18 months.

Speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations, Admiral James Kilby, the U.S. Navy’s acting chief of operations, confirmed the scale and significance of the mission. “This was a historic kinetic operation,” Kilby declared. “It was about neutralizing a growing threat before it reached our shores.”

The Truman’s deployment was initially routine — a standard 6th Fleet patrol. But as the war in the Red Sea escalated, and ISIS-Somalia’s numbers surged to 1,500 fighters (60% of them foreign jihadists), the Truman became the tip of the spear in AFRICOM’s most aggressive air campaign in a decade.

In total, AFRICOM has executed 25 strikes since January — and that number is on pace to shatter the 2019 record of 63 strikes.

But Somalia was only part of the Truman’s legacy this year.

Before heading south, the Truman spent five months battling Iran-backed Houthis in the Red Sea, conducting 670 air and naval strikes, and intercepting 160 drones and missiles aimed at U.S. and allied vessels. “They are hunting our ships,” Kilby warned. “This is not a low-tier threat.”

Now, with Yemen’s airspace scorched and ISIS bunkers leveled in Somalia, the Truman and its strike group have entered the Mediterranean for NATO’s high-stakes war drills — a show of readiness as Russia looms and tensions simmer in the Eastern flank.

Despite the ceasefire with the Houthis announced by President Trump on May 6, the U.S. has made one thing clear: peace talks won’t mean passive defense. The Truman’s firepower sent a resounding global message — America’s carrier fleet still reigns supreme in projecting force across oceans, deserts, and failed states.

As for when the Truman returns home? The Pentagon isn’t saying. And maybe that’s the point.

From Borno to Baidoa, jihadist groups are using food denial and aid distribution as tactical tools of war. Food insecurity in Nigeria and Somalia has become both a weapon and a battleground for terrorist groups like Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab, fueling recruitment, governance collapse, and humanitarian catastrophe.

In modern African warfare, the deadliest weapon may not be the bullet—but the biscuit.

Across Nigeria and Somalia, jihadist groups like Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab have turned hunger into a tool of control, a psychological weapon wielded to punish dissent, reward loyalty, and replace state authority. As food insecurity grows, these groups exploit famine and deprivation to expand their influence—and choke off resistance.

The implications are devastating: starvation isn’t a side effect of violence. It is the strategy.

In northeast Nigeria’s Borno State and southern Somalia—two epicenters of jihadist insurgency—food is being weaponized on two fronts. First, as a lure: distributing rice, flour, and spaghetti to desperate communities in lieu of absent state services. Second, as a cudgel: torching crops, poisoning wells, banning fishing and farming, and blockading humanitarian aid—all to isolate communities, punish state collaborators, and ensure dependency.

Al-Shabaab, for example, blockaded entire famine-stricken regions during Somalia’s 2011–2012 crisis, refusing international aid and letting thousands die rather than concede an inch of influence to the West. Boko Haram has done the same in Nigeria, denying access to farmers and raiding food convoys.

But like all cruel strategies, the backlash is brewing.

The very famine they sow is now undermining the militants themselves. Both Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab face internal collapse, with growing reports of fighters defecting or surrendering in exchange for food. Militants, once feared, are now starving—looting villages and alienating the very populations they once claimed to protect. In Somalia, this has triggered armed resistance by pastoralist militias. In Nigeria, Boko Haram has been forced to shift operations across borders, seeking sustenance in Chad and Niger.

This isn’t just a humanitarian crisis. It’s a strategic moment.

If African governments and international partners move swiftly, they can exploit this opening. Food security must become a counterterrorism priority, not just a development goal. Delivering aid faster than insurgents, restoring trade routes, and strengthening local agriculture can break the cycle of manipulation.

Where the state fails to feed, the terrorists will. But where food flows, hope—and resistance—follows.

Now is the time to starve the insurgencies, not the people.

Puntland’s Operation Hilaac proves local defense forces can outmaneuver ISIS in Somalia’s rugged terrain—offering a model for reclaiming territory and dismantling terror strongholds.

In a stunning reversal against Islamic State’s Somalia branch (ISSOM), Puntland’s Defense Forces have scored decisive victories in Operation Hilaac, reclaiming strategic territory across the Cal Miskaad mountain range. Unlike the often-fragmented federal efforts, Puntland’s success showcases what disciplined, locally backed forces can achieve, even with limited resources.

Commanded by Gen. Mohamed Mohamud Faadhigo, PDF forces, alongside the Darawish paramilitaries and maritime police, cleared more than 315 km and 50 insurgent outposts. This is no minor feat—it represents one of the few successful large-scale offensives against a battle-hardened jihadist network backed by foreign recruits and drone warfare technology.

Reports indicate ISSOM has drawn fighters from Morocco to Tanzania, many with tech backgrounds. The group’s increasing use of thermal drones and suicide ambushes points to a dangerous evolution. Yet, Puntland’s tactics—terrain mastery, clan cooperation, and relentless pressure—have disrupted ISSOM’s momentum.

However, PDF commanders warn that victory remains fragile without the proper tools. Officials are calling for international assistance: drone jammers, night-vision gear, and advanced IED defusal kits. With 27 bomb technicians already lost, the need is urgent.

What makes Puntland unique is not just its success—but its intention to project that success nationwide. Once Operation Hilaac wraps, forces will move south to assist in Middle Shabelle against al-Shabaab.

President Said Deni’s message was clear: “Puntland is part of Somalia. We are obliged to contribute to the defense and stabilization of the nation.”

In a fractured Somalia, this is more than military news—it’s a strategic turning point. Puntland’s model may be the template Somalia needs: indigenous, disciplined, and unapologetically local.

Africa’s Bloody Clock: Every 3 Hours, Terror Wins —From Burkina Faso to Somalia, terror is swallowing nations. The Sahel now leads the world in extremist violence — and the world is barely paying attention.

Every three hours in Africa, terror strikes. Forty-four people die. Civilians, children, farmers, doctors — all vanish into silence. While the world obsesses over Ukraine or Gaza, Africa bleeds in near invisibility. The Sahel, once a buffer zone between Sahara and savannah, is now the deadliest war zone on Earth.

Burkina Faso has become ground zero. Nearly 2,000 deaths in a year. A 2,800% increase in terror fatalities in 15 years. What began as a low-grade insurgency has metastasized into a transnational epidemic stretching from Niger to Mozambique, from Lake Chad to the Red Sea.

The Islamic State has planted its flag in five regions. Al-Qaeda franchises are digging trenches. And while Western drones circle from the sky, the actual battlefield is collapsing beneath the boots of untrained conscripts, unaccountable mercenaries, and juntas armed with slogans but void of strategy.

What has the response been? Blunt force. Coups. Silence. The junta in Niger has killed more civilians in one year than its elected predecessors did in five. The juntas aren’t crushing terror — they’re feeding it. Every abduction, every burned village, every blocked school becomes a recruitment poster for extremist groups who promise “protection” with a Kalashnikov.

And now the wave is spreading to the coasts. Benin, Togo, Ghana — they were once out of reach. No longer. The number of attacks in coastal West Africa has spiked by 250%. The W National Park in Benin is now a hideout for killers. Islamic State–Somalia is reportedly led by IS’s new global commander. This is no longer Africa’s problem. It’s the world’s.

Here’s the brutal truth: Africa is not losing the war on terror. It was never given a fair shot. External actors parachuted in with weapons and left without governance. Regional bodies lacked funding. Civil society was ignored. The world handed a match to fragile states sitting on a powder keg and now pretends to be surprised by the explosion.

It is time for something bolder. Smarter. African-led, civil society–driven, and brutally honest about what’s working — and what isn’t. AU Chair Moussa Faki said it best: “The time for speeches is over.” We either fight the root causes now — poverty, injustice, failed governance — or prepare for a future where entire African regions fall under permanent extremist control.

Silence is no longer neutral. It is complicity.

Somalia on the Brink: Uganda Demands Immediate African Union Action as Al-Shabaab Surges

The Horn of Africa is burning again—and this time, the warnings are louder than ever.

Uganda’s Defense Minister Jacob Marksons Oboth sent an explosive warning to the African Union Friday, declaring that Somalia’s security architecture is collapsing under a new wave of Al-Shabaab terror. Speaking at an emergency Troop Contributing Countries (TCCs) meeting in Kampala, Oboth bluntly stated that Somalia risks “losing the hard-earned gains we fought so hard to achieve” unless African forces act decisively.

The timing couldn’t be worse—or more revealing. Just 24 hours earlier, Al-Shabaab launched a devastating assault on the Somali army’s second-largest base at Wargaadhi in Middle Shabelle, exposing the grim reality: despite years of international counterterrorism efforts, the militants are back, organized, and striking at the heart of Somalia’s fragile institutions.

Oboth’s remarks were a call to arms—and a warning of wider regional collapse. “The threat of terrorism remains real and immediate,” he said, emphasizing that Al-Shabaab’s resurgence threatens not just Somalia’s unstable federal government but also the Horn of Africa’s broader security fabric. If unchecked, this could rapidly devolve into a continental crisis.

The African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM)—the successor to AMISOM since 2024—was supposed to be the solution. Instead, its phased drawdown of peacekeepers has created lethal power vacuums across central and southern Somalia. Al-Shabaab has wasted no time exploiting these gaps, launching relentless raids, reclaiming territory, and reigniting fears of a new dark age in Somalia.

Despite intensified counteroffensives by Somali and AU forces, the facts are clear: Al-Shabaab is not beaten. It is regrouping, recalibrating, and refilling its ranks, aiming not just to survive, but to conquer.

Uganda’s urgent call puts brutal pressure on the African Union and international partners: reinforce Somalia now—or prepare to watch the entire Horn of Africa descend back into chaos.

This isn’t just Somalia’s war anymore.
It’s the region’s fight for survival.