Somaliland
Elders Reject SSC-Khaatumo Inclusion, Affirm Allegiance to Puntland
A group of traditional elders from Sanaag and Haylaan regions issued a strong statement on Wednesday firmly rejecting any attempts to incorporate their territories into the SSC-Khaatumo administration. The statement emerges as political representatives and other elders from these regions are scheduled to attend a major conference in Las Anod next week.
The elders stressed that Sanaag and Haylaan have historically and administratively been integral parts of Puntland since its inception in 1998. They reiterated their continued allegiance and integration into Puntland’s political framework, urging regional authorities to enhance development initiatives and reinforce security measures.
According to their statement, the elders confirmed that no legitimate political gathering among local clans had sanctioned representation at the upcoming SSC-Khaatumo State Completion Conference slated for July 10. They unequivocally denied authorizing delegates to attend on their behalf and insisted no valid political resolution had been taken to align with the SSC-Khaatumo administration.
The elders demanded an official apology from SSC-Khaatumo leaders, accusing them of meddling in internal community affairs and destabilizing regional peace and harmony. They further called upon the international community to recognize that they are not participants in any new administrative or political arrangements and have not delegated authority to representatives attending the conference in Las Anod.
Additionally, the elders urged the Federal Government of Somalia to adhere strictly to its constitutional responsibilities, cautioning against actions that might ignite inter-clan divisions and threaten the delicate peace in the region.
These developments follow the controversial arrival in Las Anod of former Puntland Parliament Speaker Abdirashid Yusuf Jibriil, who claimed to represent Sanaag and Haylaan. Jibriil accused Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni of militarizing the regions with the deployment of thousands of troops, asserting that his communities are prepared to seek autonomy from both Puntland and Somaliland.
This mounting tension underscores the widening fissure between Puntland, the Federal Government, and the SSC-Khaatumo administration regarding territorial sovereignty and clan representation in eastern Somaliland. The situation remains tense as all sides prepare for the impending Las Anod conference.
Somaliland
Somaliland Rejects Mogadishu’s Lasanod Provocation
Somaliland Slams Somalia President’s Lasanod Visit as Minister Khadar Abdi Reasserts Sovereignty.
Somaliland has issued a sharp and calculated response after Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud landed in Lasanod, a city Hargeisa considers an integral part of Somaliland since independence on June 26, 1960. The visit, coming just weeks after Israel’s formal recognition of Somaliland, is widely viewed in Hargeisa as a political provocation rather than a peace gesture.
Minister of the Presidency Khadar Hussein Abdi framed the issue bluntly: Mogadishu is projecting authority it does not possess. His message was not emotional; it was surgical. A president who has failed to unify Mogadishu, Garowe, and Kismayo, failed to build a functional national army, and failed to deliver credible elections, has no standing to dictate affairs inside Somaliland’s borders.
The timing matters. Since Israel’s recognition, Somaliland has faced intensified diplomatic, media, and political pressure. The Lasanod visit fits that pattern — an attempt to manufacture relevance at a moment when Somaliland’s international status is advancing while Somalia’s internal legitimacy remains fragile.
Abdi’s statement reaffirmed two core points of the “Hargeisa Doctrine.” First, Lasanod is Somaliland — historically, legally, and administratively. Second, Somaliland remains committed to resolving disputes through dialogue and peaceful means, not escalation. The contrast is deliberate: confidence versus chaos, institutions versus improvisation.
By urging Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to “put his own house in order,” starting with elections that allow Somalis to choose leadership freely, Somaliland is shifting the burden of credibility back onto Mogadishu. This is no longer a debate about borders; it is a referendum on governance capacity.
The underlying message is unmistakable. Somaliland’s recognition is no longer theoretical — it is a political fact. Symbolic visits, rhetorical threats, or external agitation will not reverse it. As Hargeisa signals calm resolve, Mogadishu’s gestures increasingly look like noise in a region that is already moving on.
Somaliland
Irro Speaks to the World: Somaliland Steps Out of the Shadows
President Irro Declares New Era for Somaliland After Recognition in Wall Street Journal Op-Ed.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) has taken Somaliland’s case directly to the global elite, publishing a landmark op-ed in The Wall Street Journal that frames Israel’s recognition not as a diplomatic surprise, but as a historical correction.
Under the title “My Country, Somaliland, Recognized,” President Irro reminded international readers that Somaliland’s sovereignty predates its failed union with Somalia—and that Israel was among the first countries to recognize Somaliland in 1960. In doing so, he recast the current moment as a return to legitimacy rather than a break from the past.
“Our first embassy will be in the Jewish state, whose aspirations and history we share,” Irro wrote—an unmistakable signal that Somaliland’s foreign policy is now anchored in values, security cooperation, and strategic clarity.
The op-ed carefully contrasted Somaliland’s record of peace, democratic governance, and counterterrorism with Somalia’s continued instability, while also acknowledging the broader geopolitical contest unfolding in the Horn of Africa. Irro openly cited Turkey and China’s growing influence in Mogadishu, positioning Somaliland as a credible, stable alternative partner for the West and its allies.
Crucially, the President tied the new relationship with Israel to shared historical trauma, recalling Israel’s opposition to the 1988–1990 genocide against the Somaliland people. That framing elevates the partnership beyond transactional diplomacy—it becomes an alliance rooted in survival, memory, and sovereignty.
The most consequential line came near the end: Irro suggested that “the dam has broken” in Africa. Translation: Israel will not be the last. Others are already watching, calculating, and preparing to follow.
This was not a celebratory article. It was a strategic declaration—calm, confident, and aimed squarely at decision-makers. Somaliland is no longer asking to be understood. It is asserting its place.
Somaliland
Irro Unites Somaliland’s Political Class as Mogadishu Escalates Threats
President Irro Forms National Political Front After Israel Recognition Amid Rising Tensions with Mogadishu.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) has moved decisively to lock in Somaliland’s internal stability at a moment of historic transition. In a high-stakes national consultation, he brought together the senior leadership of all three national parties—WADDANI, KAAH, and KULMIYE—marking a rare show of unity in Somaliland’s modern political history.
This was not routine politics. It was a strategic consolidation of power and purpose following Israel’s formal recognition of Somaliland and the sharp escalation in hostile rhetoric from the Federal Government of Somalia. Irro framed the recognition not as an endpoint, but as the beginning of a new and more demanding phase—one that requires discipline, maturity, and collective responsibility.
By briefing opposition leaders on the security and diplomatic realities facing the country, the president dismantled any space for internal fragmentation. The message was unambiguous: Somaliland is not seeking confrontation, but its sovereignty is non-negotiable. Any attempt to threaten or invade Somaliland, he warned, will be met with firm resistance—and responsibility for escalation will rest squarely with Mogadishu.
Crucially, Irro called on party leaders to actively shield the nation from internal destabilization, urging them to suppress inflammatory rhetoric and prioritize national cohesion over partisan gain. The response was striking. Leaders from all three parties publicly endorsed the president’s approach, praised his diplomatic achievements, and pledged to stand behind the government during this critical period.
The contrast with Mogadishu could not be sharper. While Somalia’s federal leadership issues decrees it cannot enforce and struggles with internal fractures, Somaliland is demonstrating the core attribute of statehood: unity under pressure.
Irro has effectively shifted the national focus from electoral rivalry to statecraft. In doing so, he has sent a clear signal—to citizens, adversaries, and the international community—that Somaliland enters this new diplomatic era united, confident, and prepared. Israel was the first recognition. The groundwork is now laid for what comes next.
Somaliland
Irro Unites Somaliland’s Diplomatic Warriors as Recognition Era Begins
President Irro Consults Former Somaliland Foreign Ministers to Shape Post-Recognition Diplomacy.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) has taken a decisive and symbolic step to consolidate Somaliland’s diplomatic momentum by convening a historic meeting with former Ministers of Foreign Affairs — the architects of the country’s long, uphill struggle for international recognition.
The gathering was more than ceremonial. It was a strategic act of statecraft. By bringing together seven former foreign ministers — and publicly honoring all 15 who have served Somaliland since 1991, including those deceased — President Irro framed recognition not as a personal victory, but as a collective national achievement built over decades.
Calling them the “mujahideen of foreign policy,” the president underscored a central message: recognition is the product of continuity, patience, and institutional memory. In a region where politics often resets with each administration, Irro is deliberately anchoring Somaliland’s new diplomatic phase in accumulated experience.
Crucially, the meeting focused on the new stage Somaliland has entered following Israel’s recognition — a phase that demands unity, discipline, and strategic clarity. Irro emphasized that foreign policy going forward must be rooted in cooperation, mutual respect, and shared interests, while rejecting isolation or ideological rigidity. Somaliland, he stressed, is open to all partners acting in good faith.
The former ministers, for their part, welcomed the consultation as a break from past practice and a sign of political maturity. Their unified support sends a powerful signal to both domestic and international audiences: Somaliland’s diplomatic front is aligned, cohesive, and confident.
Beyond symbolism, the ministers offered concrete recommendations for navigating the current moment — a reminder that recognition brings opportunity, but also pressure, scrutiny, and new risks.
The meeting’s deeper significance lies in its timing. As regional tensions rise and Somalia’s rhetoric grows more hostile, Irro’s call for unity and vigilance reinforces a core Somaliland doctrine: national cohesion is the first line of defense and the strongest tool for advancing statehood.
In bringing past and present together, President Irro is not just managing recognition — he is institutionalizing it. The message is unmistakable: Somaliland’s diplomacy is no longer improvisational. It is deliberate, inclusive, and entering a new era with its full historical weight behind it.
EDITORIAL
Somalia Ends UAE Defense Pact, Opening New Diplomatic Path for Somaliland
Mogadishu Walks Away, Hargeisa Steps Forward: How Somalia’s UAE Rift Speeds Somaliland Recognition.
Somalia’s decision to formally annul its security and defense agreements with the United Arab Emirates marks more than a routine diplomatic dispute. It signals a structural shift in the Horn of Africa — one that increasingly favors Somaliland’s long campaign for international recognition.
Mogadishu has presented the move as an assertion of sovereignty. In reality, it exposes the limits of that sovereignty. By cutting ties with Abu Dhabi, the Federal Government of Somalia has effectively abandoned the “Mogadishu First” framework that once allowed it to act as the primary gatekeeper for regional partnerships. The result is a widening opening for Somaliland to consolidate its position as a reliable, self-governing state actor.
The contrast between the two administrations is stark. While Somalia’s cabinet framed its decision in defensive terms, Somaliland’s response — led by Minister of the Presidency Khadar Hussein Abdi — projected confidence and continuity. His message was simple but decisive: partnerships are built on trust, delivery, and long-term consistency. Somaliland, not Mogadishu, has provided that consistency.
Nowhere is this clearer than in Berbera. When international actors hesitated, the UAE invested. That investment reshaped Berbera from a marginal port into a strategic maritime hub linking the Gulf, the Red Sea, and East Africa. For Abu Dhabi, Somaliland has evolved from a local partner into a cornerstone of its regional logistics and security strategy.
Israel’s formal recognition of Somaliland has accelerated this trajectory. It has transformed quiet cooperation into open geopolitical momentum. A new strategic triangle — Hargeisa, Abu Dhabi, and Jerusalem — is beginning to take shape, with direct implications for Red Sea security and global shipping lanes.
Several dynamics make UAE recognition of Somaliland increasingly plausible. First is economic reality. With defense ties severed in Mogadishu, the UAE’s multi-billion-dollar interests in Berbera rest entirely on Somaliland’s legal and security framework. Formal recognition would lock in those investments and remove lingering diplomatic ambiguity.
Second is regional alignment. Somaliland’s growing relationship with Israel fits naturally within the broader logic of the Abraham Accords. A Somaliland recognized by both Israel and the UAE would form a stability corridor along the Bab el-Mandeb — a critical chokepoint for global trade.
Third is power redistribution. As Somalia deepens its dependence on Turkey and Saudi Arabia, the UAE is recalibrating. Securing its maritime interests requires partners that control territory, guarantee security, and honor agreements. Somaliland meets all three criteria.
Mogadishu’s claims of authority over Berbera, Bosaso, and Kismayo increasingly ring hollow. In modern diplomacy, legitimacy is measured less by inherited charters and more by effective governance. Somaliland has maintained internal security, held multiple democratic transitions, and governed its territory continuously since 1991.
Somalia’s exit from the UAE defense pact is therefore not a setback for Abu Dhabi — it is a release. It frees the UAE from Somalia’s internal contradictions and redirects its focus toward its most successful Horn of Africa partnership.
As Mogadishu narrows its options, Somaliland expands its horizon. Recognition is no longer a distant aspiration. It is becoming the logical endpoint of a long-running geopolitical realignment. The remaining question is not whether Somaliland will gain further recognition — but how soon the next domino falls.
Opinion
Shared Scars: The Parallel Existential Struggles of Israel and Somaliland.
The histories of Israel and Somaliland are etched with the profound trauma of genocide and defined by a continuous struggle for survival against hostile neighbors. Though separated by geography and culture, their historical converge on a stark common ground: both are nations forged in the fires of catastrophic violence, fighting for their very existence against adversaries dedicated to their erasure.
The Shadow of Genocide:
For both peoples, the term “genocide” is not an abstract historical concept but a lived, painful reality that shapes their national identity and geopolitical posture.
Israel and the Holocaust:
The foundation of modern Israel is inextricably linked to the Holocaust, the systematic murder of six million Jews by Nazi Germany and its collaborators. This unparalleled catastrophe demonstrated the existential vulnerability of the Jewish people without a sovereign state, a core motivation for Israel’s establishment and reclaiming the homeland of their ancestors with the determination to ensure “never again.”
Somaliland and the Isaaq Genocide:
Between 1987 and 1989, the regime of Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre perpetrated a systematic campaign of annihilation against the Isaaq clan, the majority population of Somaliland. This campaign, officially recognized as a genocide by a United Nations investigation, included the near-total destruction of major cities. Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital, was approximately 90% destroyed, leading to its grim nickname, “the Dresden of Africa”. The violence was executed with brutal efficiency, involving indiscriminate aerial bombardments. Notably, the Somali regime employed foreign mercenaries, including South African mercenary pilots who conducted airstrikes against civilian areas.
The regime’s propaganda of dehumanising the Isaaq people, labeling them as Jewish with derogatory epithets to justify their extermination.
The Perpetual Threat of Hostile Neighbours:
The trauma of genocide is compounded by an ongoing, fundamental conflict with neighboring entities that reject their right to exist.
Israel’s Regional Adversaries:
Israel’s primary conflict is with Hamas, which is formally dedicated to Israel’s destruction. Hamas launched a large-scale attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 firing thousands of rockets and sending fighters into Israeli towns, killing civilians and soldiers and taking hostages. This conflict is embedded within a broader regional confrontation with state and non-state actors, many backed by Iran, which also openly seeks to eliminate the Jewish state. This includes persistent threats from Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.
Somaliland’s Struggle with Somalia:
Since restoring independence in 1991, Somaliland’s most pressing existential threat is the Federal Republic of Somalia and their Alshabab cohort. These entities are unreasonably against somaliland’s restoration of sovereignty in 1991. Mogadishu wages a relentless diplomatic and, at times, military campaign to undermine Somaliland’s sovereignty. This includes supporting proxy forces within Somaliland’s borders. The Las Anod conflict in 2023 is a prime example, where Somali-backed SSC-Khatumo forces fought against the Somaliland National Army. Mogadishu is constantly fuelling internal strife in Somaliland by providing military hardware to minority clans, viewing it as a strategy to destabilize the breakaway region.
Facing New Existential Fears:
The struggle for recognition and security is a daily reality, with recent developments exacerbating these fears.
For Somaliland, the prospect of a renewed large-scale conflict is a palpable fear. These anxieties were heightened in early 2026 when Somalia’s Defence Minister, Ahmed Moalim Fiqi, appealed to Arab nations, Turkey and Egypt , “especially Saudi Arabia,” to take action against Somaliland’s leadership. While Fiqi’s public comments focused on opposing Somaliland’s independence and its relations with Israel, his rhetoric—calling for international pressure and drawing parallels to other regional conflicts—is interpreted in Hargeisa as a direct threat to its survival, stirring memories of past genocide.
Conclusion: An Unending Fight for Existence
Israel and Somaliland, though vastly different in scale and international standing, are bound by a shared historical arc of suffering and resilience. The Holocaust and the Isaaq genocide are foundational tragedies that inform their unwavering focus on self-preservation. Today, both navigate a complex and hostile regional environment where neighboring powers fundamentally challenge their legitimacy. For Israel, the threats are well-documented and widely recognized. For Somaliland, the fight is for the world to acknowledge its historical trauma and its ongoing battle for survival against a neighbor that once sought to eliminate it and continues to deny its right to exist. Their stories are a sobering reminder of how the scars of genocide shape a nation’s destiny and its perpetual struggle for a secure future.
Mo Saeed
Somaliland legal research (SLR)
Somaliland
Calls to Bomb Somaliland Trigger Historic Warning
Somalia Revives 1988 Rhetoric: Somaliland Condemns Somalia’s Bombing Threats, Citing 1988 Genocide and Violations of International Law.
Somaliland has issued a sharp diplomatic warning after senior Somali officials openly called for military attacks on its territory, reviving rhetoric that many Somalilanders associate with one of the darkest chapters in their history.
In a statement released this week, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Somaliland condemned remarks by Somalia’s Minister of Defense, Ahmed Moallim Fiqi, who urged Arab countries — particularly Saudi Arabia — to bomb Somaliland “as they did in Yemen.” Hargeisa said the comments violate international law and the United Nations Charter and amount to incitement of war.
For Somaliland, the language is not abstract. Officials drew a direct parallel to 1988, when the Siad Barre regime hired foreign pilots and mercenaries to bombard Hargeisa and Burao, killing 500 of thousands of civilians in what is widely documented as genocide against the Isaaq population. The reference has struck a nerve across Somaliland, where collective memory of the air raids remains central to national identity.
The Foreign Ministry said the threats underscore why Somaliland remains united in defending its sovereignty, just as it did during the SNM-led resistance of the late 1980s. That uprising ultimately led to Somaliland’s withdrawal from the failed union and the restoration of its independence in 1991.
Hargeisa also dismissed Mogadishu’s threats as hollow, noting that Somalia remains heavily dependent on international aid and has failed for more than two decades to fully secure its own capital from Al-Shabaab. Recent Somalia threats against Israel — following Israel’s recognition of Somaliland — were described by officials as further evidence of political desperation rather than strategic capacity.
Adding to tensions, Somaliland pointed to Turkey’s recent delivery of military equipment to Mogadishu, warning that external militarization risks emboldening reckless rhetoric in an already fragile region.
For Somaliland, the message is clear: calls to repeat the crimes of 1988 will not intimidate a society that survived them. Instead, officials argue, such statements reinforce Somaliland’s case as a stable, self-governing state — and highlight Somalia’s continued struggle as one of the world’s most enduring failed states.
The Ghost of Sovereignty: Mogadishu’s Hollow Claim Over Somaliland Exposed
Somaliland
Irro Draws the Line: New Sovereignty Era Demands a New State
Somaliland President Irro Orders Government Overhaul After Israel Recognition, Demands Accountability and Discipline.
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) has moved swiftly to redefine how Somaliland governs itself in the wake of Israel’s historic recognition, signaling that diplomacy alone will not secure Somaliland’s future — institutions will.
In a high-level meeting with the Chairman of the Civil Service Commission, Directors General of ministries, and heads of independent national institutions, Irro framed recognition not as a symbolic victory, but as a stress test. Somaliland, he made clear, has entered a new strategic, diplomatic and security phase — and the old habits of governance will no longer suffice.
The message was blunt: sovereignty must be earned daily through performance.
Irro told senior officials that competence, transparency, accountability and efficiency are now non-negotiable. The quality of administration, the speed of institutional delivery and the integrity of public service, he said, are the real measures by which both Somaliland’s citizens and the international community will judge the state.
In a pointed directive, the president ordered government leaders to ground their work in justice, good governance, impartiality, rule of law and a zero-tolerance approach to corruption. He warned against internal administrative conflicts, weak coordination and any behavior that could erode public trust at a moment when Somaliland is under unprecedented global scrutiny.
This was not a celebration meeting — it was a recalibration.
Officials responded with open loyalty. Senior civil servants praised Irro’s leadership, crediting him with elevating Somaliland’s international standing in a matter of weeks and handling the Israel recognition talks with exceptional discipline and secrecy. Several described the diplomatic process as a lesson in statecraft they intend to replicate within government institutions.
The undertone was clear: recognition has raised the bar.
By pushing his administration to accelerate national obligations and fully meet their legal mandates, Irro is laying the groundwork for a state that behaves like a recognized country even before universal recognition arrives. The pledge from Directors General to improve transparency and service delivery suggests alignment — at least for now.
This meeting signals the emergence of a governance-first doctrine: Somaliland will not argue for sovereignty through rhetoric alone, but through institutional maturity. In the post-recognition era, Irro is betting that credibility, not applause, will decide Somaliland’s next chapter.
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