Turkey deploys 500 troops and advanced Akinci drones to Somalia, aiming to reverse al-Shabaab’s territorial gains and strengthen Somalia’s security capabilities. 

Turkey has made a dramatic escalation in its military footprint in Somalia, deploying 500 elite counterterrorism troops and drone operators to support Somali forces battling al-Shabaab insurgents, sources confirm.

The latest deployment — which includes 300 commandos and 200 drone technicians and specialists — nearly triples Turkey’s existing contingent in Somalia and signals Ankara’s growing strategic stake in the Horn of Africa’s security and resource landscape.

At the heart of this deployment is the Turkish-made Akinci drone, a battlefield beast with night vision, 24-hour endurance, and heavy payload capacity, far outstripping the smaller Bayraktar TB2s that Somali forces have used in past engagements. According to regional military analysts, Akinci drones could change the trajectory of the war, offering precise nighttime strikes and superior surveillance capabilities against a nimble and entrenched al-Shabaab network.

Turkish officials emphasize that the troops are tasked with protecting Turkish infrastructure and training Somali forces, but rules of engagement permit strikes against al-Shabaab when necessary. The escalation aligns with a 2024 security agreement that allows Turkey to station up to 2,500 troops in Somalia by 2026, including support for maritime security and offshore resource development.

This move comes as the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) flounders, short by 8,000 troops and desperate for donor funding. The UN-backed mission, expected to be a stabilizing force, now risks becoming symbolic unless bolstered by external partners like Turkey.

Since its establishment in 2017, Camp Turksom in Mogadishu has trained over 16,000 Somali soldiers, including the Gorgor Commandos and Haramcad paramilitary units, giving Turkey unmatched influence over Somalia’s emerging national security architecture.

With al-Shabaab regaining ground in central Somalia, including the recent contested capture of Adan Yabaal, Turkey’s expanded presence aims to reverse militant gains and inject renewed momentum into Somalia’s long-stalled counterterror campaign.

“This isn’t just about training anymore. This is tactical,” said one insider. “Turkey is now deeply embedded in Somalia’s security calculus—on land, in the air, and soon, at sea.”

As the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden heat up geopolitically, Turkey’s growing role could redraw influence maps in East Africa—ushering in an era where Ankara, not just Washington or Beijing, dictates military outcomes in Africa’s most contested war zone.

$10 million IMF release sparks new debate: Is Somalia on a path to recovery—or headed deeper into dependency?

The IMF has signed the dotted line—again. But is this $10 million injection a spark for growth or a bandage on a failing state?

On Friday, the International Monetary Fund announced a staff-level agreement with the Somali government to unlock $10 million under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF). While the disbursement still awaits IMF Executive Board approval, it has already triggered cautious optimism in Mogadishu and diplomatic circles. Yet the real question is whether this cash represents a step toward self-reliance—or just another line of credit in an endless spiral of international rescue.

According to the IMF, Somalia’s economy is projected to grow by 4% in 2024, buoyed by agricultural recovery and easing inflation. But the optimism stops there. By 2025, the Fund expects growth to slow to 3%, with foreign aid cuts, unpredictable rainfall, and political instability clouding the outlook.

Translation? This is not a recovery—it’s a lifeline. And it’s fraying.

Despite some progress in fiscal reform, the IMF’s own warning is stark: “a more severe and sustained reduction in foreign aid would have long-term economic consequences, exacerbate food insecurity and poverty, and jeopardize Somalia’s progress.” In other words, Somalia remains a fragile economy on donor life support, vulnerable to both global shocks and internal dysfunction.

Critically, Somalia’s economy remains heavily donor-dependent and poorly diversified. Private consumption remains sluggish, institutional capacity is weak, and the risk of regression—both economic and political—is high.

Where is the accountability? Where are the reforms that truly matter?

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration has promised institutional strengthening and public financial management—but those words ring hollow when juxtaposed with chronic insecurity, elite corruption, and rising political division. How long can foreign donors keep writing checks while the central government builds parties instead of policies?

For investors, aid agencies, and regional players, the message is clear: Somalia’s economy doesn’t just need money—it needs transformation. Until Mogadishu starts treating financial discipline and inclusive governance as more than donor slogans, no dollar—whether ten million or ten billion—will fix what’s broken.

This IMF deal is a headline, not a solution. And the clock is ticking.

MPs accuse Somali president of dismantling federalism, abusing power, and launching a one-man party state—sparking the largest political revolt since 2004.

Somalia’s political foundation is crumbling—and Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is standing on a fault line of his own making. In an extraordinary act of parliamentary revolt, 103 federal lawmakers have issued a direct call for the president’s immediate resignation, accusing him of constitutional sabotage, authoritarian drift, and eroding every pillar of Somalia’s fragile federal system.

This isn’t political noise—it’s an earthquake. Coming just hours after a blistering statement by 16 of Somalia’s most powerful political heavyweights—including ex-presidents Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and Mohamed Farmaajo—the declaration marks the most sweeping elite rejection of a sitting Somali head of state since the early transitional era.

At the heart of the crisis is Hassan Sheikh’s personal political project: the Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP). Critics say it’s more than just a party—it’s the state reborn under his personal brand. Public funds, army generals, civil servants, and state media have allegedly been mobilized to construct a centralized machine of control under the banner of “reform.”

But the backlash is spreading fast. MPs accuse the president of dismantling the National Consultative Council (NCC)—Somalia’s only mechanism for federal dialogue—and replacing it with a party command structure that excludes Puntland and Jubbaland. They warn of constitutional violations, secret deals without parliamentary approval, misuse of national resources, and growing authoritarianism hidden beneath development slogans.

While al-Shabaab remains a threat and inflation continues to punish ordinary Somalis, Villa Somalia is accused of playing party politics with state institutions. “This is no longer a presidency—it’s a personal project,” one MP told WARYATV anonymously. “He governs like he’s running a campaign, not a country.”

Still, no formal response has come from the president. But silence will only fuel the perception that Hassan Sheikh is too insulated, too arrogant, and too dependent on political engineering to survive democratic accountability.

If no reversal occurs, Somalia is headed toward one of two outcomes: massive institutional breakdown—or a stormy, elite-driven confrontation that could bring this presidency to its knees.

Hassan Sheikh now governs in name, not consensus. And in Somalia, that’s a dangerous place to be.

Former President Farmaajo accuses Hassan Sheikh of violating the constitution, consolidating power through state resources, and dismantling Somalia’s fragile federal order.

As Somalia prepares for one-person, one-vote elections, former President Farmaajo warns that President Hassan Sheikh is undermining the constitution and fragmenting national unity by politicizing federal institutions and alienating member states.

Somalia is inching closer to a political cliff—and former President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo has just thrown up a flare. In a searing statement this week, Farmaajo accused President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud of tearing through the Transitional Federal Constitution and dragging the country into a dangerous spiral of authoritarianism, factionalism, and federal breakdown.

The trigger? The launch of the Justice and Solidarity Party (JSP), a so-called political movement chaired by Hassan Sheikh and propped up by federal power brokers. Far from being a vehicle for democratic reform, Farmaajo and sixteen other heavyweight opposition leaders see JSP as a blatant power grab—one that abuses state resources, weaponizes government institutions, and steamrolls regional autonomy under a fraudulent banner of “unity.”

Farmaajo didn’t mince words. He cited constitutional violations—including articles protecting parliamentary independence and mandating executive neutrality—and condemned the use of the national army, public media, and civil servants to build a state-backed political machine. His warning was unambiguous: Somalia is on the brink of renewed political crisis.

Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni doubled down, calling the JSP a repackaged 4.5 clan formula meant to entrench Mogadishu’s dominance. “The National Consultative Council has become a political party,” he said, accusing the president of orchestrating a hostile takeover of Somalia’s federal structure.

And therein lies the real danger. With Jubbaland and Puntland already in open defiance and central institutions like the NCC hollowed out, the promise of one-person, one-vote elections risks being reduced to a farce. The federal government’s interference in regional politics, its dismantling of commissions, and its promotion of party loyalists over consensus leaders threatens to reignite the very tensions that plunged Somalia into chaos decades ago.

As universal suffrage looms, Farmaajo’s warning serves as a call to arms: either Hassan Sheikh recommits to inclusive governance and constitutional order—or Somalia enters yet another chapter of elite power struggle, dressed in the language of reform.

Whistleblower reveals President and Speaker approved secret deal granting Turkey control over 90% of Somalia’s oil and gas — triggering calls of betrayal and neo-colonialism.

“90% Giveaway”: Somalia’s Oil Surrender to Turkey Sparks Outrage in Parliament

A Somali MP has exposed explosive claims implicating the President and Speaker in a secret oil deal with Turkey that hands 90% of Somalia’s hydrocarbon wealth to Ankara. National sovereignty and political accountability now hang in the balance.

The Federal Parliament of Somalia has been rocked by an explosive declaration from MP Dr. Abdillahi Hashi Abib, who publicly accused President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Speaker Sheikh Adan Madobe of surrendering 90% of Somalia’s oil and gas wealth to Turkey in a secretive deal that he claims undermines the very sovereignty of the nation.

Standing before the House of the People, Dr. Hashi, a respected member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, revealed that a whistleblower from inside Villa Somalia had furnished him with credible documentation showing both the President and Speaker gave their approval to a deeply controversial hydrocarbons agreement that grants Turkey the lion’s share of Somalia’s natural resources — leaving the Somali people with only a token 10%.

He further disclosed that the President is reported to have defended the lopsided agreement as being “in the best interest of the nation,” a justification that Dr. Hashi forcefully condemned as “a veiled act of neo-colonialism.”

But the accusations don’t stop there. Dr. Hashi warned that in the coming days, he will release notarized documents showing that Ziraat Bank of Turkey violated Somali banking laws, operating under the radar with what appears to be unauthorized coordination with the Central Bank of Somalia.

The implications are staggering. If substantiated, this agreement not only strips Somalia of control over its future economic engine but also potentially violates constitutional procedures, sovereignty norms, and economic governance principles.

Dr. Hashi’s rallying cry was blunt:

“Have the President and the Speaker fulfilled their solemn constitutional oaths to safeguard the interests and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia?”

Public outrage is mounting. Many in Mogadishu and the wider Somali diaspora are now calling for an emergency parliamentary investigation. Critics are framing the deal as an act of economic treason—a continuation of foreign domination disguised as partnership.

With his final words, Dr. Hashi warned:

“Stay vigilant. The truth will be revealed.”

The Somali public is waiting — and the storm is just beginning.

Oil, Betrayal & Invasion: Somalia’s Secret Coup in Lasanod Unmasked

Turkish Troops in Mogadishu: A War Cloaked in Denial

Turkey Grabs Oil in Libya, Iraq, and Somalia

Turkey’s Somali Oil Grab: A Strategic Coup or Neocolonial Exploitation?

How Turkey’s Strategy in Africa Capitalizes on Anti-Western and Anti-China Sentiments

Turkey to Deploy Frigates to Guard Energy Exploration Ship in Somalia

Somalia and Turkey Have Signed Intelligence-sharing Agreement

In a dramatic show of political force, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud unveiled his new political vehicle, the Justice and Unity Party, on Monday night in Mogadishu—cementing his intent to dominate Somalia’s next phase of political transition through a sweeping alliance of federal power and regional loyalists.

Backed by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre and the presidents of Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Southwest, and the contentious Khaatumo, the party’s launch marks a clear pivot from fragmented coalition politics toward a centralized federal bloc with national ambitions. The absence of Puntland and Jubbaland from the launch underscores deepening rifts in Somalia’s federal balance—raising questions about whether Justice and Unity represents unity or just consolidation.

President Hassan Sheikh, now formally elected chairman and presidential candidate of the new party, used the occasion to double down on promises of universal suffrage and the long-stalled constitutional finalization—both of which have served as cornerstones of his second-term reform agenda. “We are ready to give Somalia a government built on votes, not clan quotas,” he declared to a crowd of thousands in Mogadishu, where support for the president remains high among the political class and civil society.

The party’s top leadership reads like a federal government roll call: Prime Minister Hamza, Southwest’s Laftagareen, Deputy Speaker Sadia Yasin Samatar, and Deputy PM Salah Ahmed Jama all occupy senior roles. Abdirahman Odowaa, a seasoned political operative, was tapped as secretary-general, reinforcing the party’s technocratic appeal.

Yet behind the pomp lies a more strategic play. Justice and Unity positions itself as the official party of the federal government, a status that allows it to potentially outmaneuver other contenders ahead of Somalia’s long-delayed transition to one-person, one-vote elections. It also places President Hassan Sheikh at the helm of an electoral machine capable of reshaping parliamentary dynamics and marginalizing rivals through federal resource leverage.

Still, the road ahead is far from smooth. Puntland and Jubbaland’s absence highlights a fractured federal system increasingly strained by Mogadishu’s centralizing ambitions. With Puntland floating alternative electoral timelines and Jubbaland preoccupied with its own security dilemmas, the notion of nationwide elections under a unified party-led government remains aspirational at best.

Whether Justice and Unity brings real reform or simply consolidates power under a new name, one thing is clear: President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has fired the opening shot in Somalia’s next political war—a war not just of votes, but of legitimacy, federal balance, and the very future of Somali statehood.

UN Independent Expert Isha Dyfan has issued a stark warning to Somalia’s leadership: resume constitutional reform now or risk plunging deeper into institutional instability and human rights violations.

Speaking from Mogadishu after a week-long fact-finding mission, Dyfan described the Somali state as “caught in a critical transition moment” with urgent reforms needed to stabilize governance and defend fundamental rights. She pressed the government to relaunch the stalled constitutional review process and pass long-delayed legislation protecting women, children, and minorities.

“Somalia must accelerate the constitutional review and adoption process. Delay only weakens legitimacy and fuels crisis,” Dyfan said bluntly.

While she welcomed progress in drafting four constitutional chapters in 2024, she criticized parliament for stalling broader reforms and failing to pass key human rights bills—despite cabinet approval. This includes laws addressing rape, child protection, and the banning of female genital mutilation.

A Fractured System

Dyfan’s message came as Somalia transitions from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to the new AUSSOM force and prepares for a UN mission handover by October 2026. Yet internal power struggles, recent federal clashes with Jubaland forces, and deep clan divides are undermining cohesion. Dyfan pointed to the entrenched 4.5 power-sharing system as a core obstacle to inclusive governance and gender equality.

Her warning was not just about politics. She highlighted a worsening humanitarian outlook, with conflict, drought, and underfunding leaving Somalis without access to schools, food, healthcare, or water. “Children are paying the highest price,” she said.

Signs of Hope?

Despite the grim outlook, Dyfan praised regional progress. Jubaland’s anti-FGM law and South West State’s disability rights act stood out as examples of proactive governance at the state level. She also welcomed ongoing Justice Ministry consultations on judiciary reforms, but warned that a lack of national urgency could derail the effort.

Dyfan’s warning signals growing international concern that without constitutional legitimacy, legal reform, and inclusive politics, Somalia risks deepening insecurity—and losing the fragile gains of the past decade.

The United Nations is racing against time to plug a $27 million funding shortfall for the new African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), warning that the mission’s momentum against Al-Shabaab could collapse if critical resources aren’t secured quickly.

In closed-door UN Security Council consultations on Monday, Somalia and the UK urged member states to step up and fulfill their commitments under Resolution 2719—a hybrid funding model that requires the UN to provide 75% of AUSSOM’s budget, with the remaining 25% raised externally. So far, only $14.5 million of the needed $41.6 million has been secured from the African Union Peace Fund and contributions from Japan and South Korea.

What’s at stake

AUSSOM took over from the AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) on January 1, with a revised annual budget of $166.5 million. Cost-saving measures—including keeping troop stipends at $828/month, scaling back aviation assets, and excluding death/disability compensation—have already slashed more than $124 million from operational costs. Still, without bridging this final gap, the mission’s core stability tasks could grind to a halt.

A UN official warned: “Without timely support, the mission risks losing ground at a time when the security environment remains highly volatile.”

Washington pushes back

The U.S. remains a key holdout. A bill in Congress would block American funding for AUSSOM under the 2719 framework, claiming Somalia is an unsuitable case for assessed contributions. Instead, Washington is pushing for alternative financial arrangements—delaying broader consensus and casting uncertainty on the May 15 deadline for full budget approval.

As Al-Shabaab regroups and Somalia’s political landscape remains fragile, the stakes for AUSSOM’s success are high—not just for Mogadishu, but for regional stability. A fractured Security Council risks handing militants an opening.

Without swift and unified action from donor states, AUSSOM’s future, and Somalia’s fragile security gains, could be on the line.